德國該如何應對恐怖主義

Angela Merkel did it again. When she was asked at her annual summer press conference last week whether she regretted taking in about aalmost 1m refugees in the course of in 2015, the German chancellor repeated with confidence her now famous words, “Wir schaffen das” (We can do it).

安格拉•默克爾(Angela Merkel)又一次搞定。近日召開的年度夏季總理記者會上，當被問及是否後悔在2015年接納將近100萬難民時，德國總理默克爾重複了她那句名言：“我們能搞定”(Wir schaffen das)。

Many, even some in her own party, reacted with bewilderment and anger. How could she be so stubbornly confident inof the rightness of her policy of openness is correct after a week in which there were that saw four deadly attacks on German soilwith axes, guns, machetes and explosives, three of them committed by refugees? Not a week goes by without news about sexual harassment by refugees in public baths or during music festivals. Meanwhile, the costs of feeding, housing and educating migrants are quietly climbing and climbing. A large number of them Many will never be able to make their own way on the labour market.

許多人（甚至默克爾自己黨內的一些人士）都對此困惑不解。在德國本土一周遭遇四起致命襲擊、其中三起由難民製造的背景下，她怎麼還能對自己的開放政策如此自信？與此同時，爲移民提供食物、住房、教育的開支還在不斷攀升。許多移民可能永遠無法在勞動力市場自食其力。

How can Ms Merkel be so optimistic? It is because the failure of this policy is simply not an option for herMerkel can hardly come out and say: sorry, it was all a big mistake, and send everybody home. It has to work and there are signs that, by and large, it will, by and large.

默克爾怎麼還能如此樂觀？這是因爲她不能讓這項政策失敗。這項政策必須成功，而且有跡象表明，總體來說它會成功的。

While the chancellor acknowledges that the attackers “ridiculed and despised the country that has taken them in”, Ms Merkel she knows that she can also count on one strength she shares witha great number of on most Germans to keep calm — as they did in remarkable fashion voters: an unshakable belief in rational behaviour, an almost British stiff upper lip that let people during the horrible night of the as the awful rampage in Munich unfoldedampage – after a brief interval of panic – regain their poise and open their doors to accomodate anyone stranded for the night. Compare this with the fraught and uneasy atmosphere that reigns in France in the wake of multiple attacks there in the past 18 months, where the government seems unable to protect its citizens from perfectly known threats.

雖然默克爾承認，那些襲擊者“奚落、鄙視接納他們的國家”，但她明白，自己還可以指望多數德國人保持冷靜——慕尼黑慘案發生後，他們就表現出了驚人的冷靜。法國就不一樣，在過去18個月遭受多次襲擊後，眼下法國到處瀰漫着緊張不安的氛圍。

This is something Ms Merkel can work with. A majority of Germans still supports the policy of giving refuge to people fleeing the brutal regime of Syrian president Bashar al-Assad. Now everything Much depends on precious inclinationwhat the government does with this support is handled, politically.

多數德國人仍支持這樣一項政策，即爲逃離敘利亞總統巴沙爾•阿薩德(Bashar al-Assad)殘暴政權的難民提供庇護。德國政府怎樣利用人民的支持關係重大。

Here, Germany can learn from Israel, of all places. On a practical level, concerts, sports events, railway stations and museums need to be guarded. Access to such events by cars has to be barred. If someone undergoes radicalisation on social media, the security services have to be able to pick up on it, tomust visit their family and friends and make sure the message is understood: we see you; we are keeping an eye on you.

在這方面，德國可以向以色列（這或許讓人想不到）學習。在現實層面，音樂會、體育賽事、火車站以及博物館需要有人守衛。必須禁止乘車進入這些場所。如果某人在社交媒體上表現出激進主義傾向，安全部門必須拜訪他們的家人和朋友，並確保傳達出準確的信息：我們注意到你了；我們正在密切關注你。

Beefing up the security apparatus is not straightforward in Germany, for obvious reasons. Older generations remember the Gestapo and later the Stasi, while many young people would rather make the US whistleblower Edward Snowden chancellor than give the secret services more leeway. Not for nothing are they bashfully called „Nachrichtendienste“, „News services“, as if all they actually did or needed to do was clipping the papers.

要強化德國的安全機構並不容易，原因顯而易見：老一輩們都還記得蓋世太保(Gestapo)以及後來的史塔西(Stasi，前東德情報和祕密警察機構——譯者注)，而許多年輕人寧願讓美國泄密者愛德華•斯諾登(Edward Snowden)當總理，也不願意給特務機構更多的活動空間。

The very idea of any government agency keeping a secret stirs suspicion among many German voters, as the pitiful fate of TTP and Ceta has shown. But this will have to change. And it should be the political left and liberal elite that leads the fight for moral acceptance of makes the moral case for improved security. Otherwise, it will be seen as an attempt to stifle dissent — a lesson that the Israeli left has learnt the hard way. Improving security is the most important antidote to the racism that is threatening to spread all over Europe. Unfortunately, much of the German left prefers fighting yesterday’s NSA-and GCHQ-battles, rather than acknowledge the country now has a homegrown terrorism problem on its hands.

僅僅是這樣一種想法，即某個政府機構保有祕密，都會激起許多德國選民的猜疑。但這種局面必須改變。而且，提升德國安全性的道義上的理由應由左派和自由派政治精英提出。否則，這樣做將被視爲試圖壓制異議——這是以色列左翼領教過的慘痛教訓。遺憾的是，多數德國左翼寧可揪住歷史不放，也不願承認德國如今正面臨本土產生的恐怖主義問題。

It is not only refugees pledging allegiance to Isis who pose a threat. Radicalisation is also taking place — though to a far less dangerous extent — within Germany’s 3m-strong Turkish minority.

對德國構成威脅的不僅僅是宣誓效忠“伊斯蘭國”(ISIS)的難民。激進主義也在德國境內逾300萬土耳其少數族羣中生根發芽——儘管危險性要低得多。

For many years, Germany has benefited from the fact that its largest ethnic minority was not a formerly colonised people. Unlike Algerians in France or south Asians in Britain, Turks in Germany had no historic quarrel with their hosts. Quite the opposite, in fact. However, two recent developments have poisoned the atmosphere. First, the vote in June by the Bundestag in favour of a resolution condemning the massacres carried out by Ottoman Turks of Armenians during the first world war as “genocide”. Second, the reaction to the failed coup against the government of Recep Tayyip Erdogan.

多年來，德國一直受益於這一點：德國國內人數最多的少數民族，並非一個曾經被殖民過的民族。與法國的阿爾及利亞人或者英國的南亞人不同，德國境內的土耳其人歷史上沒有與東道國人民發生過齟齬——事實上完全沒那回事。然而，最近兩項事態發展破壞了這種氛圍。首先是今年6月，德國聯邦議院(Bundestag)投票通過了一項決議，譴責奧斯曼土耳其帝國一戰期間對亞美尼亞人實施的大屠殺爲“種族滅絕”。其次是對於針對雷傑普•塔伊普•埃爾多安(Recep Tayyip Erdogan)政府的未遂政變的反應。

MPs of Turkish descent have received death threats, while supporters of Mr Erdogan have taken to the streets of Germany in large numbers demonstrationg that Germany has not become home yet. Ms Merkel has been criticised for not rebuking the Turkish president strongly enough. But, as she once said of those 3m Turkish-Germans, she is their chancellor, too. Moreover, she needs Turkey’s help in managing the refugee crisis. So, once again, it is “Wir schaffen das” — what else can she say?

德國的土耳其裔議員收到了死亡威脅，埃爾多安的支持者大量走上德國街頭。外界一直批評默克爾沒有足夠有力地譴責埃爾多安。但正如默克爾曾對300萬土耳其裔德國人所說的，她也是他們的總理。此外，在管控難民危機方面，默克爾也需要土耳其的幫助。所以，她只能再次以“我們能搞定”迴應——除此之外，她還能說什麼呢？