劉振民在“亞太地區安全架構與大國關係”研討會上致辭

積極踐行亞洲安全觀 共創亞太安全新未來
Actively Practice the Asian Security Concept and Jointly Create a New Future of Asia-Pacific Security

——在“亞太地區安全架構與大國關係”國際研討會開幕式上的致辭
– Remarks at the Opening Ceremony of the International Seminar on “Security Framework and Major-Power Relations in the Asia-Pacific Region”

中華人民共和國外交部副部長 劉振民
Liu Zhenmin, Vice Foreign Minister of the People’s Republic of China

2016年7月9日，北京
Beijing, 9 July 2016

尊敬的劉偉校長，女士們，先生們，朋友們，
President Liu Wei,Ladies and Gentlemen,Friends,

大家上午好！
Good morning.

很高興來到美麗的中國人民大學，出席今天的研討會。首先，我謹代表中國外交部對研討會的舉行表示熱烈祝賀，對中國人民大學國際關係學院爲舉辦本次研討會所做的精心安排表示誠摯感謝。今天還將舉行中國人民大學國家安全研究院的成立儀式，希望國家安全研究院依託中國人民大學的學科優勢，結合國內外形勢變化，服務國家安全與發展需要，積極開展專業化、戰略性、跨學科研究，建設優質的新型高端智庫。
It gives me great pleasure to attend this seminar at the beautiful campus of Renmin University of China (RUC). On behalf of the Chinese Foreign Ministry, I would like to express warm congratulations on the opening of the seminar and heartfelt thanks to the RUC School of International Studies for the thoughtful arrangements. The Institute for National Security Studies of the RUC will also be inaugurated today. I hope that the Institute will build on the RUC’s academic strengths, keep pace with domestic and global changes, meet the needs of national security and development, actively conduct professional, strategic and inter-disciplinary research, and make itself a new, high-standard and high-end think tank.

近年來，亞太地區的安全架構和大國互動備受各方關注。本次研討會聚焦於此，圍繞亞太地區安全理念、安全議題、合作機制與大國關係進行探討。大家交流看法，凝聚智慧，建言獻策，可謂正當其時，非常有意義。
In recent years, the security architecture and major-country interactions in the Asia Pacific have attracted wide attention. With this as the theme of discussion, participants will exchange views, pool wisdom and offer suggestions on the security concept, security agenda, cooperation mechanism as well as major-country relations in the Asia Pacific. The meeting is therefore timely and relevant.

中國古人云，“君子安而不忘危，存而不忘亡，治而不忘亂，是以身安而國家可保也”。如何走出安全困境，在確保自身安全、本國安全的同時，避免損及別人安全、他國安全，尋求共同安全，是人類永恆的主題。
An ancient Chinese saying goes: “A gentleman is constantly mindful of danger, fatality and chaos even when he is in a state of security, survival and order. And this ensures the security of himself and the state.” Indeed, since ancient times, mankind have been looking for ways to walk out of the security dilemma and reach the state of common security of ensuring security of oneself without damaging the security of others.

從大道之行、天下爲公的大同世界到伸王道、斥霸道的仁政思想；從柏拉圖的理想國到康德的永久和平論；從威爾遜十四點計劃到大西洋憲章，人類對和平正義的追求永無止境。從現代國際關係起源的威斯特伐利亞體系到19世紀歐洲的維也納體系；從一戰後的凡爾賽—華盛頓體系，到二戰後的雅爾塔體系，再到塑造歐洲共同安全的赫爾辛基進程，各方圍繞安全架構的努力和實踐從未停止。
From the vision of a world of harmony and justice to the idea of benevolence that promotes righteousness and rejects hegemonism, from Plato’s Republic to Immanuel Kant’s perpetual peace, and from Woodrow Wilson’s “Fourteen Points” to the Atlantic Charter, the mankind’s quest for peace and justice has never ceased. From the Westphalian system, the origin of modern international relations, to the Vienna system in the 19th-century Europe, from the post-World War I Versailles-Washington system, the post-World War II Yalta system, to the Helsinki process which shaped common security in Europe, the efforts to build a sound security architecture have never stopped.

讓我們的視線回到亞太，審視本地區的安全架構建設。目前亞太主要有五類安全機制：一是美國主導的同盟體系及其雙多邊安排。二是東盟地區論壇、東盟防長擴大會等以東盟爲中心的安全對話合作機制。三是六方會談、阿富汗問題四方機制等旨在解決具體熱點問題的專門機制。四是上海合作組織、亞信會議等跨區域安全合作機制。五是以香格里拉對話會、香山論壇、亞太圓桌會議等爲代表，域內外人士參與的一軌半或二軌安全對話平臺。
Now, let’s turn our eyes back to the Asia Pacific and take a look at the building of security architecture in our own region. Currently, there are five types of security mechanisms in the Asia Pacific: First, the US-led alliance system and relevant bilateral and multilateral arrangements; Second, the ASEAN-centered security dialogue and cooperation mechanisms such as the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF) and ASEAN Defense Ministers’ Meeting-Plus (ADMM+); Third, special mechanisms on hotspot issues such as the Six-Party Talks and the Quartet on Afghanistan; Fourth, cross-region security cooperation mechanisms such as the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) and Conference on Interaction and Confidence-Building Measures in Asia (CICA); Fifth, Track 1.5 or Track 2 security dialogue platforms involving participants from the region and beyond such as the Shangri-La Dialogue, Xiangshan Forum and the Asia-Pacific Roundtable.

冷戰結束以來，亞太之所以能在複雜多變的環境下避免大的衝突與戰亂，保持總體和平，不是上天恩賜，不是歷史偶然，是亞太各國共同努力的結果，也是各種安全機制在不同時期、不同條件下發揮作用的結果。但總體來看，亞太地區的安全架構建設還不發達。
Since the end of the Cold War, the Asia Pacific has avoided major conflicts and wars and maintained overall peace in a complex and volatile environment. This is not God’s blessing or historical coincidence, but the result of joint efforts of all Asia-Pacific countries and the work of various security mechanisms under different conditions at different times. Security architecture in the Asia Pacific on the whole needs improvement.

當前，亞太地區在總體穩定向好的同時，地緣格局也在加快調整。大國博弈加劇，朝核、阿富汗等熱點敏感問題升溫，領土海洋爭端突出，恐怖主義、氣候變化、自然災害、人道危機等非傳統安全問題增多，亞太地區面臨的安全挑戰更加複雜嚴峻。另一方面，地區力量格局發生重大變化，以中國爲代表的發展中國家不斷髮展壯大，日益在地區與國際事務中發揮重要的建設性作用。我們需要合理的發展空間，需要獲得相應的國際話語權，需要構建反映地區現實、符合各方利益需求、爲各方共同接受的新型地區安全架構。
Today, the Asia Pacific is witnessing a faster adjustment of geopolitical structure while enjoying overall stability. On the one hand, the tug-of-war between major countries has escalated. The Korean nuclear issue, Afghanistan and other hotspot sensitive issues are heating up. Territorial and maritime disputes are thrown into sharper relief. Terrorism, climate change, natural disaster, humanitarian crisis and other non-traditional security issues are on the rise. These have posed more complex and grave security challenges to the Asia Pacific. On the other hand, the balance of power in the region has seen major changes. China and other developing countries are growing stronger and playing an even more constructive role in regional and international affairs. We need reasonable development space, an appropriate say in the world, and a new regional security structure that is reflective of the reality of the region, consistent with the interests and needs of various parties and acceptable to all.

在此背景下，各國紛紛提出了自己的倡議和設想。美國主張建立“基於規則的亞太安全體系”；俄羅斯提出建立亞太地區安全與合作架構；東盟呼籲進一步發揮東盟主導機制 的作用，鞏固和加強其中心地位；印度提出建立以對話爲核心的亞太安全架構；韓國提出“東北亞和平合作構想”。林林總總，不一而足。建立什麼樣的地區安全架構，怎麼建立這一架構，成爲有關各方關注與討論的熱點話題。上週，中國與老撾在北京共同舉辦東亞峯會第三屆區域安全架構研討會，圍繞地區安全架構的變遷、理念的演變和未來的可行路徑進行深入探討，爲整合各方對地區安全架構的主張和倡議，推動地區安全建構的討論和建設貢獻了智慧。
In this context, countries have put forward various initiatives and proposals, for example, the rules-based Asia-Pacific security system by the US, the Asia-Pacific regional security and cooperation structure by Russia, the ASEAN’s call for further consolidation of ASEAN centrality, the dialogue-based Asia-Pacific security architecture by India, the Northeast Asia Peace and Cooperation Initiative by the ROK, and the list goes on. What kind of regional security architecture to build and how to build it has been a popular subject of discussion among the parties concerned.

朋友們，
Friends,

作爲亞太大家庭的重要一員，中國曆來是亞太和平的建設者，亞太發展的貢獻者，亞太安全的維護者。中方願爲維護亞太和平穩定的良好局面貢獻中國智慧，提出中國倡議。在此，我願就建設亞太安全架構提出以下幾點看法：
As an important member of the Asia-Pacific family, China has all along been a builder of peace, contributor to development and defender of security in the Asia Pacific. China is ready to contribute its wisdom and proposals to maintaining peace and stability in the region. Here, let me share with you some of my observations on the building of Asia-Pacific security architecture.

一、以維護共同安全，實現共同發展爲目的。安全和發展是鳥之兩翼、車之兩輪，相輔相成，缺一不可。要通過建設亞太安全架構保障共同安全，推動實現共同發展。
First, the architecture should be guided by the goal of common security and common development. Security and development, like two wings of a bird and two wheels of a bike, are mutually reinforcing and indispensable. It is important to ensure common security and pursue common development through the building of the Asia-Pacific security architecture.

21世紀的今天，亞太各國已經形成命運相連、責任共擔的共同體。面對紛繁複雜的風險與挑戰，單打獨鬥維護不了自身安全，以鄰爲壑、結盟對抗只會加劇矛盾，合作是唯一可行之路。我們應堅定奉行雙贏、多贏、共贏理念，擯棄你贏我輸、贏者通吃的陳舊思維，在維護自身利益的同時兼顧各方利益，在謀求自身發展的同時促進共同發展，走對話協商、合作共贏的共同安全之路。亞太安全架構的建設，不能由一家說了算，也不能由少數人說了算；需要服務各國的共同安全利益，不能只考慮某一家或者小集團的利益。比如說，美、韓在韓國部署“薩德”反導系統，只考慮自己的安全，沒考慮別人的安全，到頭來，可能連自己的安全也解決不了。
In the 21st century, Asia-Pacific countries have formed a community of shared future and common responsibility. Confronted with complicated risks and challenges, countries cannot uphold their own security by themselves. Pursuing a beggar-thy-neighbor policy, forming alliance or opting for confrontation only escalate tensions. This makes cooperation the only way out. We should be firmly committed to win-win cooperation, and reject the outdated mindset of zero-sum game or “the winner takes all.” We should accommodate the interests of others while upholding our own interests, promote common development while seeking our own development, and follow a path of common security underpinned by dialogue, consultation and win-win cooperation. The building of the Asia-Pacific security architecture should not be dictated by a single country or a few countries. And the architecture should meet the common security interests of all countries instead of any one country or a small group of countries. Take the move by the ROK and the US to deploy the THAAD system in the ROK for example, they have only considered their own security with no regard to the security of others. But ultimately their own security may not be ensured in this way.

二、以普遍接受的國際關係準則爲基礎。理念是行動的燈塔。亞太地區安全理念應當與時俱進，對安全架構的建設發揮引領作用。
Second, the architecture should be based on widely acceptable norms governing international relations. Ideas guide actions. In this case, the concept of Asia-Pacific security should be constantly updated to guide the development of the security architecture.

亞太安全架構的原則基礎應包括三個方面：一是要堅決維護以聯合國爲核心的戰後國際體系，堅決維護以聯合國憲章宗旨和原則爲代表的國際關係基本準則。二是遵守和平共處五項原則、《聯合國海洋法公約》、《東南亞友好合作條約》、《南海各方行爲宣言》等公認的國際法與國際規則。三是依據地區國家在交流互動中形成的共識，倡導並遵守以“平等相待、協商一致、照顧各方舒適度”爲主要內涵的“東盟方式”。只有信守這些原則和精神，共商、共建、共享、共護的亞太安全之路才能行穩致遠，亞太安全架構的建設才能固本強基。
The architecture should be fostered with three principles: First, firmly uphold the UN-centered post-war international system and basic norms governing international relations, particularly the purposes and principles of the UN Charter. Second, observe universally recognized international law and international rules, such as the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence, the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS), the Treaty of Amity and Cooperation in Southeast Asia (TAC), and the Declaration on the Conduct of Parties in the South China Sea (DOC). Third, endorse and embrace the ASEAN Way of equality, consensus and accommodating each other’s comfort level, based on the common understanding reached among regional countries in their exchanges and interactions. Only by following such principles and spirit, can we make steady progress in pursuing a path of Asia-Pacific security explored, built, shared and protected by all, and solidify the foundation for the Asia-Pacific security architecture.

三、以夥伴關係建設爲紐帶。志同道合是夥伴，求同存異也可以成爲夥伴。亞太各國應共同努力，走“對話而不對抗、結伴而不結盟、結緣而不結怨”的新路，共建互信包容、互利互惠、互商互諒的亞太夥伴關係。
Third, the architecture should be strengthened by building partnerships. Those who share the same ideal and follow the same path can be partners. Those who seek common ground while shelving differences can also be partners. Asia-Pacific countries should work together to take a new path which chooses dialogue over confrontation, partnership over alliance, and amity over grudges, and jointly foster an Asia-Pacific partnership of mutual trust, inclusiveness, mutual benefit, reciprocity, mutual understanding and mutual accommodation.

亞太地區能否構建行之有效的安全架構，關鍵在於中美兩國能否在本地區實現良性互動。中美同爲亞太重要成員，均對這一地區和平與繁榮負有重要責任。兩國正在構建不衝突不對抗、相互尊重、合作共贏的新型大國關係，這不僅符合雙方的根本利益，也是本地區各國的普遍期待與願望。雙方應正確看待彼此戰略意圖。中國不尋求在亞太一家獨大，不謀求勢力範圍，不搞軍事結盟。中國無意取代美國的地位，無意將美國排除出這一地區，也不會謀求所謂的“中美共治”。我們希望美國在亞太發揮建設性作用，正視並接受中國發展強大的事實，摒棄冷戰思維，尊重中國主權和領土完整，與中國和平相處。美國的“亞太再平衡”戰略不應以意識形態劃線，不能將本地區變成海空力量的展示場，不可逼迫地區國家選邊站隊。有關雙邊軍事同盟是特定時代的產物，新形勢下應增加透明度，不應針對第三方，更不能以牽制圍堵中國爲目的。
Whether an effective security architecture can emerge in the Asia Pacific will depend on how China and the US interact with each other in this part of the world. Both important members of the Asia Pacific, China and the US shoulder great responsibilities for peace and prosperity in the region. The two countries are building a new model of major-country relations featuring no conflict or confrontation, mutual respect and win-win cooperation. This is in line with the common expectation and aspirations of the countries in the region as well as the fundamental interests of themselves. The two sides need to develop a correct understanding of each other’s strategic intention. China does not want to be the predominant power in the Asia Pacific, or build spheres of influence and military alliance. It has no intention to replace the US or exclude the US from the region. And it does not seek to be part of the so-called G2. We hope the US will play a constructive role in the Asia Pacific, recognize and accept the fact of a growing China, cast aside the Cold War mentality, respect China’s sovereignty and territorial integrity, and coexist with China peacefully. The US “rebalance” to the Asia Pacific should not be advanced on ideological grounds, turning this region into a showground of naval and air power, or forcing regional countries to take sides. The relevant bilateral military alliances are a product of a bygone era. In this new age, they should be more transparent and not target a third party or aim at holding back and blocking China.

各方要繼續支持東盟主導機制的發展，尊重東盟在地區合作中的中心地位，並將這種支持和尊重體現在行動上。中方歡迎俄羅斯加大對亞太的關注和投入，期待俄方與地區國家一起爲亞太和平安全發揮“穩定器”作用。中方也高度重視進一步加強中日韓三方合作。其他各方也要積極行動起來，發揮建設性作用，共同構建亞太安全架構。
Parties should continue to support the development of the mechanisms in which ASEAN plays a leading role, respect its centrality in regional cooperation, and demonstrate such support and respect with real actions. China welcomes Russia’s interest and input in the Asia Pacific, and wants to see Russia and regional countries working together as a stabilizer for peace and security in the region. China also attaches great importance to further strengthening China-Japan-ROK trilateral cooperation. Other parties also need to take actions to play a constructive role and jointly put in place an Asia-Pacific security architecture.

四、以複合型、多層次、多樣化的網絡爲架構。我們推動構建的亞太安全架構，不是另起爐竈，不是推倒重來，而是對現有機制的升級和完善。亞太安全架構應當是“開放、包容、合作、共贏”的多層次、寬領域、複合型安全網絡，立足地區現有安全機制併兼容域外國家，爲地區和平穩定發揮“壓艙石”的作用。
Fourth, the architecture should take the form of an integrated, multi-layered, and diversified network. The architecture we are building is not a brand new project that dismisses all previous arrangements, but an upgrading and improvement of existing ones. It should be a multi-layered, broad-based, and integrated network that is open, inclusive, and cooperative, and deliver win-win outcomes. It is based on existing security mechanisms and open to countries outside the region. It should be an anchor for regional peace and stability.

本地區現有機制要與時俱進，進一步發揮作用。各方應支持推動朝鮮半島無核化與停和機制轉換並行的“雙軌思路”，推動各方加強對話，早日重啓六方會談，保障東北亞的長治久安。各方要繼續積極推進阿富汗和平重建，支持“阿人主導，阿人所有”的包容性政治和解進程。要推動上合組織發揮更大作用，支持亞信加強機制化建設，支持香山論壇、世界和平論壇等地區安全對話平臺的發展。我們要積極參與各機制的對話合作，完善相關機制建設，提出更多符合地區國家需要的倡議主張，提供更多公共產品，逐步構建順應時代發展潮流、契合地區國家需要、各方廣泛參與的亞太安全架構與體系。
The current mechanisms in the region must be updated to play a bigger role. Parties should support the “parallel-track” approach of advancing denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula and replacing the armistice agreement with a peace treaty. Parties concerned should increase dialogue, resume the Six-Party Talks at an early date, and ensure long-term peace and stability in Northeast Asia. Various parties should continue to promote peace and reconstruction in Afghanistan and support an Afghan-led and Afghan-owned inclusive political reconciliation process. The Shanghai Cooperation Organization should play a bigger role; the Conference on Interaction and Confidence-Building Measures in Asia should strengthen its institutional building; and regional security dialogue platforms, such as the Xiangshan Forum and the World Peace Forum, should achieve greater development. We must take an active part in the dialogue and cooperation under various arrangements, improve the relevant institutions, put forward more initiatives and proposals that meet the needs of regional countries, and provide more public goods, in order to gradually put in place an Asia-Pacific security architecture and system that is consistent with the trend of the times and the needs of countries in the region and encourages broad participation.

朋友們，
Friends,

當今世界比以往任何時候都更有條件共同朝着和平發展的目標邁進。中國作爲負責任的大國，堅定不移走和平發展道路，把促進世界和平與發展視爲自己的神聖責任。當然，中國將堅定不移維護自己的主權、安全、發展利益，任何人不要指望我們吞下損害自己主權、安全、發展利益的苦果。
The world today is with better conditions than ever before to pursue peaceful development. As a responsible major country, China is committed to the path of peaceful development and regards promoting world peace and development its sacred responsibility. Meanwhile, it is only natural that China will firmly uphold its sovereignty, security and development interests. No one should expect China to live with the consequences of having these compromised.

亞太是中國的安身立命之所，發展繁榮之基。中國倡導共同、綜合、合作、可持續發展的亞洲安全觀，倡導協商對話，而不是武力威脅；開放包容，而不是相互排斥；合作共贏而不是零和博弈，爲地區安全合作開闢了廣闊前景。中方積極開展雙多邊安全對話合作，參與地區安全機制，推動防災減災、搜救、反恐、打擊跨國犯罪等非傳統安全領域的合作。圍繞熱點問題管控、區域安全合作等加強政策協調，推動建立共同的安全行爲準則。通過安全理念與實踐的創新，爲亞太安全架構建設不斷注入新的活力。
For China, the Asia Pacific is its home and foundation for development and prosperity. China calls for an Asian security concept featuring common, comprehensive, cooperative, and sustainable security. It stands for consultation and dialogue, not threat of force; openness and inclusiveness, not mutual exclusion; and win-win cooperation, not zero-sum game. Such a concept opens up broad prospects for regional security cooperation. China actively participates in bilateral and multilateral security dialogue and cooperation, regional security frameworks, and cooperation in non-traditional security fields, such as disaster prevention and reduction, search and rescue, counter-terrorism, and combating transnational crimes. China is stepping up policy coordination with other countries on the management of hotspot issues and regional security cooperation, promoting the development of a common security code of conduct, and providing new impetus for building a security architecture in the Asia Pacific through innovations in security concepts and practices.

中國在亞洲推動“一帶一路”先行先試，與周邊國家對接發展戰略，推進基礎設施、產能等領域合作，推動設立亞洲基礎設施投資銀行。我們推動10+1、10+3、中日韓、APEC、上海合作組織等區域合作機制建設，構建更加開放包容、互惠互利的地區合作網絡。我們推動區域全面經濟夥伴關係（RCEP）談判，推進亞太自貿區建設，爭取實現各種自貿安排對接協調、相互促進。通過深化區域合作與經濟一體化進程，爲亞太安全架構的建立提供穩固的經濟社會支撐。
China is implementing the Belt and Road Initiative first in Asia, seeking synergy between its development strategies and those of neighboring countries, and advancing cooperation in infrastructure and production capacity. The Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank has been launched. We are strengthening regional cooperation institutions, including 10+1, 10+3, China-Japan-ROK, APEC, and the SCO, and building a more open, inclusive, and mutually beneficial network of regional cooperation. We are taking forward Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) negotiations, developing the Free Trade Area of the Asia-Pacific (FTAAP), and exploring ways to connect various free trade arrangements for better coordination and complementarity. We are deepening regional cooperation and economic integration to provide solid economic and social support for the Asia-Pacific security architecture.

朋友們，
Friends,

一段時期以來，大家都很關注南海形勢。還有幾天，菲律賓南海仲裁案仲裁庭將公佈所謂最終“裁決”。在此我願就南海問題談一點看法。
For some time, the situation in the South China Sea has been a focus of attention. In a few days, the arbitral tribunal on the South China Sea initiated by the Philippines will issue the so-called final “award.” So let me say a few words about the South China Sea issue.

南沙羣島是中國的固有領土，中方對此擁有充足的歷史和法理依據。維護自己的領土主權，天經地義，理所當然。南海仲裁案的實質是對中國主權的政治挑釁，嚴重違反國際法原則。仲裁庭不顧中菲爭議的實質是領土和海域劃界問題，不顧中方根據《公約》規定做出的排除性聲明，強行對明顯不在公約調整事項範圍內的問題進行審理和行使管轄，屬於隨意擴權和越權。這一仲裁自始就建立在違法的基礎之上，其所謂裁決自然是非法的。中方不接受、不參與這一仲裁案，不承認所謂裁決，既是維護自身權利，也是維護國際法治。
The Nansha Islands are an integral part of Chinese territory. This is supported by a mountain of historical and legal evidence. It is only right and natural for a country to stand up for its territorial sovereignty. This arbitration case is in fact a political provocation of China’s sovereignty and gravely violates the principles of international law. The arbitral tribunal has turned a blind eye to the real nature of China-Philippines disputes, which is territorial and maritime delimitation, ignored China’s declaration under Article 298 of UNCLOS, and arbitrarily heard and exercised jurisdiction on a case that clearly involves matters beyond UNCLOS. This is a willful attempt to expand and act beyond its authority. The arbitration case has been built on an illegal basis from the very beginning. Naturally its so-called “award” is also illegal. China does not accept or participate in the case, and will not recognize its verdict. This is to defend our rights, and also uphold international rule of law.

解決南海爭議的唯一途徑是直接當事國通過談判解決。歷史經驗表明，通過談判解決爭端，不僅能夠體現當事國的自主意願和主權平等，而且可以對雙邊關係起到穩定和促進的作用。中國和菲律賓是搬不走的鄰居，睦鄰友好是兩國關係的歷史傳承，也是唯一正確選擇。我們希望菲律賓新政府在南海問題上能找到新思路，與中方相向而行，使爭議問題回到雙邊談判軌道，使中非關係重回健康穩定發展軌道。
The only way to settle the South China Sea disputes is for countries directly concerned to carry out negotiation. Historical experience shows that negotiated solutions to disputes not only reflect the independent will of the countries concerned and sovereign equality, but also stabilize and promote bilateral relations. China and the Philippines are neighbors that cannot be moved away. Good-neighborliness and friendship is a historical tradition of our two countries, and the right way to go. We hope the new administration of the Philippines will adopt a new approach to the South China Sea, bring the disputes to the negotiating table, and take China-Philippines relations back to the track of development.

維護南海和平穩定是中國與地區國家的共同責任。中方願繼續本着地區國家普遍認同的“雙軌思路”處理南海問題，即有關爭議由直接當事國通過友好協商尋求和平解決，南海和平穩定則由中國與東盟國家共同維護。中方堅持落實《南海各方行爲宣言》，推進《南海各方行爲準則》磋商，力爭早日達成一致。中國將一如既往，與各方共同努力，通過規則和機制維護和平穩定，通過開發與合作實現互利共贏，確保各國依法享有航行與飛越自由，使南海成爲和平之海、友誼之海、合作之海。
To safeguard peace and stability in the South China Sea is a common responsibility of China and other countries in the region. China stands ready to address the South China Sea issue with the “dual track” approach that has won extensive recognition from countries in the region, namely peacefully resolving relevant disputes through friendly consultation between countries directly concerned and upholding peace and stability in the South China Sea by China and ASEAN countries working together. China is committed to implementing the DOC and working for an early conclusion of the COC. China will, as always, make joint efforts with all parties to uphold peace and stability with rules and mechanisms, achieve win-win outcomes through development and cooperation, and ensure that all countries enjoy freedom of navigation and overflight according to law, so as to make the South China Sea a sea of peace, friendship, and cooperation.

在座的各位是地區安全問題的專家，對區域安全架構建設有着獨到見解。“仰觀宇宙之大，俯察品類之盛”，希望大家既有頂層設計的宏觀思維，又有解決具體問題的微觀視角，深入溝通交流，以務實、開放、創新的態度探討亞太安全架構的實現路徑，展望亞太安全合作的美好未來。
All of you present here today are experts on regional security. You have fascinating insight into regional security architecture. An ancient Chinese essay has this to say, “The vast universe, throbbing with life, lies spread before us.” I hope you will share with us both a macro perspective that covers the universe, and a micro understanding of the specific issues in it. I look forward to in-depth discussions in which we can explore the pathway to an Asia-Pacific security architecture in a practical, open, and innovative way and envisage the bright prospect of security cooperation in the region.

最後，預祝此次研討會圓滿成功。
I wish this seminar a complete success.

謝謝大家！
Thank you.