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希拉里在夏威夷關於亞太地區的演講

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Regional Architecture in Asia: Principles and Priorities
Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton
Imin Center-Jefferson Hall, Honolulu, Hawaii
January 12, 2010
亞洲的地區性架構:原則與重點
美國國務卿 克林頓
夏威夷檀香山市 傑斐遜紀念廳伊民中心
2010年1月12日

希拉里在夏威夷關於亞太地區的演講

Thank you very much. And thank you, Charles, for that kind introduction. I’m delighted to be here at the East-West Center in a new year that marks your 50th anniversary on this beautiful campus in this most extraordinary place. It is also a great pleasure to see so many friends in the audience. I am delighted to just recognize, obviously, Governor Lingle and Mayor Hannemann, Senator Akaka, my colleague in the Senate, Congressman Abercrombie, Hawaii Senate President Hanabusa, Japan’s ambassador to the United States Ambassador Fujisaki and America’s ambassador to Japan Ambassador Roos. I’m also delighted to see some longtime friends who Bill and I served with when they served this state, certainly, former Governor John Waihee and Lynne, and former Governor Ariyoshi and Jean. I’m also aware that we have consul generals for Australia, Japan, the Philippines, Micronesia and Marshall Islands, and of course, President Greenwood of this university. And to all who serve on this board, obviously, if you want a good introduction, come to a place where you appoint a third of the board. (Laughter.) Charles fulfilled that. I’m also honored that senior leadership of Pacific Command are here. I had a very productive meeting with them earlier. And Assistant Secretary Kurt Campbell, who has the enviable job that he thanks me for every day of overseeing our relations throughout the Asia Pacific.

非常感謝大家。查爾斯,感謝你的熱情介紹。我很高興能在“東西方中心”進入50週年之際來到這裏,來到這所坐落在這個最不一般的地方的美麗校園。看到有這麼多朋友在座,也令我萬分高興。我高興地看到林格州長和韓納曼市長,我在參議院的同事阿卡卡參議員,阿伯克隆比衆議員,夏威夷州參議院主席Hanabusa女士,日本駐美國大使藤崎和美國駐日本大使羅斯。我還高興地看到一些比爾和我曾有幸與之共事的爲這個州效過力的老朋友們,其中當然包括前州長約翰•威希和夫人林恩,以及前州長有吉良一和夫人瓊。我也知道在座的還有澳大利亞、日本、菲律賓、密克羅尼西亞和馬歇爾羣島的總領事,當然還有這所大學的校長格林伍德。各位理事會成員,如果你想得到熱情洋溢的介紹,一定要到這樣一個三分之一的成員都由你指定的地方來。(笑聲)查爾斯完成了這個任務。太平洋司令部的高級指揮官今天在座,令我感到榮幸。我剛同他們進行了卓有成效的會晤。還有助理國務卿庫爾特•坎貝爾,他主管我們同整個亞太地區的關係,每天都要感謝我給了他這個美差。

Before I begin with this critically important subject about our future in Asia, I want to just say a few words about developments in Haiti. We are still gathering information about this catastrophic earthquake, the point of impact, its effect on the people of Haiti. The United States is offering our full assistance to Haiti and to others in the region. We will be providing both civilian and military disaster relief and humanitarian assistance. And our prayers are with the people who have suffered, their families, and their loved ones.

在我開始闡述這個關於我們在亞洲的前景的極其重要的主題之前,我想就海地的情況簡單說幾句。我們正在收集有關這次嚴重震災、地震位置以及海地人民受災情況的信息。美國正在向海地和該地區其他地方全力提供援助。我們將調動軍事和民間力量,提供救災及人道援助。我們爲受災民衆、他們的家人和親朋好友祈禱。

It is hard to even imagine how different the region we’re talking about today was back in 1959 when Lyndon Johnson proposed creating an institution where thinkers from East and West could come together. And during the five decades since the Center opened, no region has undergone a more dramatic transformation. This progress is the product of hard work and ingenuity multiplied across billions of individual lives. And it has been sustained by the engagement, security and assistance provided by the United States.

自1959年林登•約翰遜建議創立一個彙集東西方思想家的機構以來,我們今天要談的這個地區所發生的鉅變令人難以想見。在貴中心成立以來的50年中,其他任何一個地區的變化都無法與這個地區相比。這種進步是數十億人勤奮努力和創新的結晶。美國積極接觸、保障安全和提供援助的努力也使這種進步得以持續。

The East-West Center has been part of this sea change, helping to shape ideas and train experts, including one young woman who became a pioneer in microfinance and rural economic development and the mother of our President. And I thank all of you for bringing greater awareness and understanding to the economic, political, and security issues that dominate the region and the world today.

“東西方中心”是這個鉅變中的一員,促成觀念的形成並幫助培訓專家,其中包括率先倡導微型貸款和農村經濟發展的一位年輕女性,她就是我們總統的母親。我要感謝你們所有人的努力,你們提高了對這個地區及全世界當今面臨的主要經濟、政治和安全問題的認識和理解。

By now — almost a year into the new Administration — it should be clear that the Asia-Pacific relationship is a priority of the United States. President Obama spent his formative years here in Hawaii and in Indonesia. His world view reflects his appreciation of — and respect for — Asia and its people. I am deeply committed to strengthening our ties across the Pacific and throughout Asia. And I know the President is personally looking forward to Honolulu — his hometown — hosting the APEC leaders meeting in 2011. (Applause.) Now, I’ve been informed by the congressman, the governor, the mayor and others that the most difficult decision will be figuring out the aloha shirt that will be given to all of the leaders.

至今——新政府上任已接近一年——應可明顯看到亞太關係是美國的一項重點。奧巴馬總統在夏威夷和印度尼西亞度過了他的童年和少年時代,他的世界觀反映了他對亞洲及亞洲人民的瞭解和尊重。我堅信我們應當加強與太平洋彼岸以及整個亞洲的關係。據我所知,總統本人期盼着2011年的亞太經合組織領導人會議在他的家鄉檀香山召開。(掌聲)你們的國會議員、州長、市長以及其他人都告訴我,現在最難做的決定是爲各國領導人設計什麼樣的阿羅哈衫。

But for these reasons and more, we began last January to lay the foundation for a revitalized Asia-Pacific relationship. My first trip as Secretary of State was to Asia — in fact, this will be my fourth to the region in the last eleven months. President Obama participated in the APEC Summit in Singapore as well as visiting China, Japan, and South Korea; we supported the creation of a regular G-20 leaders summit with strong Asian participation reflecting the new global balance of financial and political power; we held the first ever U.S.-ASEAN summit; we signed the Guam International Agreement that helps sustain a strong U.S. military presence in the region; and we signed the ASEAN Treaty of Amity and Cooperation. And it was no accident that the first state visit hosted by President and Mrs. Obama was for an Asian leader, Indian Prime Minister Singh.

由於這些原因以及更多的原因,我們從去年一月開始爲重振亞太關係打基礎。我就任國務卿後第一次出訪就是前往亞洲——事實上,這次將是我在過去十一個月中第四次訪問該地區。奧巴馬總統出席了在新加坡舉行的亞太經合組織峯會,並訪問了中國、日本和韓國;我們支持定期舉行20國集團領導人峯會,並且主張亞洲強有力的參與,以反映全球金融和政治力量的新格局;我們舉行了首屆美國-東盟峯會;我們簽署了有助於美國在該地區保持強大軍事部署的《關島國際協議》;我們還簽署了《東南亞國家聯盟友好合作條約》。奧巴馬總統和夫人接待的第一位來訪的外國領導人是來自亞洲的印度總理辛格,這並非巧合。

So we are working to deepen our historic ties, build new partnerships, work with existing multilateral organizations to pursue shared interests, and reach beyond governments to engage directly with people in every corner of this vast region.

因此,我們正在努力深化歷史上已有的關係,建立新的夥伴關係,與現有的多邊組織爲尋求共同利益進行合作,並在與各國政府聯繫之外與這個廣袤地區每一個角落的人民直接接觸。

We start from a simple premise: America’s future is linked to the future of the Asia-Pacific region; and the future of this region depends on America. The United States has a strong interest in continuing its tradition of economic and strategic leadership, and Asia has a strong interest in the United States remaining a dynamic economic partner and a stabilizing military influence.

我們的出發點是這樣一個簡單的前提:美國的前途與亞太地區的前途緊密相連;而這個地區的前途有賴於美國。美國十分願意繼續發揮其傳統上的經濟與戰略領導作用,而亞洲也十分願意美國繼續作爲一個充滿活力的經濟夥伴併發揮有助於穩定的軍事影響力。Economically, we are inextricably linked. American companies export $320 billion in goods and services to the Asia-Pacific countries every year, creating millions of good-paying jobs. Hundreds of thousands of our servicemen and women provide the region with security – a task that our military has shouldered for generations. As Secretary of Defense Robert Gates has noted, the United States is not a visiting power in Asia, but a resident power.

從經濟上來說,我們已經密不可分。美國公司每年向亞太國家輸出價值3200億美元的貨物和服務,創造千百萬份待遇優厚的工作。我國數十萬軍人爲亞太地區提供安全,這項任務我國軍隊已承擔了幾代人的時間。正如國防部長羅伯特∙蓋茨指出,美國在亞洲不是一個來去匆匆的大國,而是一個長駐大國。

And conversely, Asia is an important presence in the United States. More than 13 million Americans trace their ancestry to this part of the world. Asian countries that were destitute a generation ago now boast some of the highest living standards in the world. East Asia has already surpassed the Millennium Development Goal of reducing extreme poverty to half its 1990 levels by 2015.

反之亦然,亞洲在美國的影響也很重要。這個地區是1300多萬美國人的祖籍地。一代人以前還十分貧困的一些亞洲國家現在躋身於生活水平最高的國家行列。東亞已經超過了到2015年將極端貧困人口在1990年基礎上減少一半的千年發展目標。

Asia is also indispensable to meeting global security and humanitarian challenges. Asian nations are helping to prevent nuclear proliferation in Iran, build schools and clinics in Afghanistan, keep peace in the Democratic Republic of Congo, and combat piracy off the Horn of Africa.

亞洲在應對全球安全和人道挑戰方面也是必不可少的。亞洲國家正在幫助防止在伊朗發生核擴散,在阿富汗建立學校和診所,在剛果民主共和國維持和平,在非洲之角海域打擊海盜活動。

Yet at the same time, Asia’s progress is not guaranteed. Asia is home not only to rising powers, but also to isolated regimes; not only to longstanding challenges, but also unprecedented threats. The dangers of nuclear proliferation, military competition, natural disasters, violent extremism, financial crises, climate change, and disease transcend national borders and pose a common risk.

但同時,亞洲的進步並非已成定局。亞洲不僅有新興大國,而且有被孤立的政權;不僅面臨長期存在的挑戰,而且面臨前所未有的威脅。核擴散、軍備競賽、自然災害、暴力極端主義、金融危機、氣候變化和疾病等危險都不受國境的限制,而構成共同的風險。

And we must acknowledge that different countries in the Asia-Pacific region face their own different challenges. Some have made more progress politically than economically, and others the reverse. Some are consolidating reforms, others are struggling with ongoing or renewed instability. Regional cooperation must account for these diverse challenges and create more opportunities for broad-based prosperity and political progress.

我們必須承認,亞太地區的不同國家面臨各自不同的挑戰。有些國家在政治上取得了比經濟上更大的進步,而另一些國家則相反。有些國家正在鞏固改革成果,而另一些國家正在持續不斷或死灰復燃的動盪中掙扎。地區合作必須考慮到這些不同的挑戰,併爲大範圍的繁榮與政治進步創造更多的機會。

A core strategic fact is that this region confronts these challenges and opportunities with a dynamic mix of influential actors, from rising powers like China and India, to traditional leaders like Japan, South Korea, and Australia, to the increasingly influential states of Southeast Asia, like Indonesia. And the United States not only continues to have dynamic and durable bilateral ties, but plays a central role in helping to deal with the difficulties that individual states and this region confront. This new landscape requires us to build an institutional architecture that maximizes our prospects for effective cooperation, builds trust, and reduces the friction of competition.

從戰略上看來,一個核心事實是:這個地區在面對上述挑戰與機遇時,不斷變化着的各類行爲體正在發揮影響力,既有中國和印度這樣的新興大國,又有日本、韓國和澳大利亞這樣在過去一直領先的國家,還有像印度尼西亞這樣影響力與日俱增的東南亞國家。美國不僅繼續擁有能動、持久的雙邊關係,而且在幫助各國及整個地區應對其困難方面也發揮主要作用。這種新局面要求我們必須搭建新的機構性架構,以最有效地實現合作前景,建立互信,減少競爭摩擦。

For years, Asian leaders have talked about strengthening regional cooperation, and Asia’s economic, political and security architecture is evolving. Regional institutions have already played a significant part in Asia’s evolution. Yet looking forward, we know that they can – and I would argue must – work better. That’s a common message I have heard from many of my conversations with Asian leaders and citizens during this past year. There is now the possibility for greater regional cooperation, and there is also a greater imperative.

多年來,亞洲國家領導人一直在談論加強地區合作,而亞洲的經濟、政治和安全架構也在演變之中。地區性機構在亞洲的演變中已經發揮了重要作用。然而展望未來,我們知道這些機構可以——我認爲也必須——更好地發揮作用。這是我在過去一年中與很多亞洲國家領導人和普通百姓談話時得到的共同信息。現在,不僅有可能,而且更有必要加強地區合作。

Now, like any architecture of this building and anywhere else, regional architecture among and between nations requires a firm foundation. And today, I would like to outline the principles that will define America’s continued engagement and leadership in the region, and our approach to issues of multilateral cooperation. In formulating this approach we have consulted widely with our Asia-Pacific partners, and these are discussions that I look forward to continuing during my upcoming trip and the months ahead.

現在,就像這座樓房和其他任何樓房的架構一樣,國與國之間的地區架構也必須有一個堅實的基礎。今天,我想概要地說明一下將指導美國繼續與本地區進行積極接觸和發揮領導作用的原則,以及我們處理多邊合作問題的做法。在確定這種做法的過程中,我們與亞太夥伴進行了廣泛的磋商,我還期待在我即將進行的訪問中及今後幾個月中繼續就此進行討論。

First, the United States' alliance relationships are the cornerstone of our regional involvement. The United States’ alliances with Japan, South Korea, Australia, Thailand, and the Philippines are among the most successful bilateral partnerships in modern history. The security and stability provided through these relationships have been critical to the region’s success and development. Our shared values and strategic interests enabled generations to grow up and prosper in a region largely at peace, and they remain key to maintaining stability and security. Our commitment to our bilateral relationships is entirely consistent with – and will enhance – Asia’s multilateral groupings.

首先,美國的同盟關係是我們進行地區參與的基石。美國與日本、韓國、澳大利亞、泰國及菲律賓的同盟關係都屬於現代歷史上最成功的雙邊夥伴合作關係。這些關係所促成的安全和穩定已成爲該地區成功和發展的關鍵條件。我們共同的價值觀和戰略利益使幾代人在這一基本上和平的地區成長和發展,它們對維持穩定與安全仍十分重要。我們在雙邊關係上的努力完全符合並將有助於加強亞洲的多邊關係組合。

Beyond our treaty alliances, we are committed to strengthening relationships with other key players. We are pursuing a strategic dialogue with India, a strategic and economic dialogue with China, and a comprehensive partnership with Indonesia. We are working on strengthening our partnerships with newer partners like Vietnam and longstanding partners like Singapore. Strengthened multilateral cooperation should and must respect and build on our already proven bilateral partnerships.

除了我們通過條約建立的同盟之外,我們還致力於加強與其他主要參與國的關係。我們正在與印度開展戰略對話,與中國進行戰略與經濟對話,與印尼建立全面夥伴合作關係。我們正在加強與越南等新合作伙伴以及新加坡等長期合作伙伴的關係。加強多邊合作應該也必須尊重和發展久經考驗的雙邊合作關係。

Second, regional institutions and efforts should work to advance our clear and increasingly shared objectives. These include enhancing security and stability, expanding economic opportunity and growth, and fostering democracy and human rights.

其次,地區性機構和努力應促進我們的明確並逐漸得到認同的目標。這些目標包括加強安全和穩定、擴大經濟機會和發展、促進民主和人權。

To promote regional security, we must address nuclear proliferation, territorial disputes, and military competition – persistent threats of the 21st century.

爲了推進地區安全,我們必須應對核擴散、領土爭端和軍備競賽等問題,這些是二十一世紀將面臨的持久威脅。

To advance economic opportunity, we must focus on lowering trade and investment barriers, improving market transparency, and promoting more balanced, inclusive, and sustainable patterns of economic growth. Regional organizations such as APEC have already shown considerable progress in these areas. In addition, the United States is engaging in the Trans-Pacific Partnership trade negotiations as a mechanism for improving linkages among many of the major Asia-Pacific economies.

爲了增加經濟機會,我們必須集中精力減少貿易和投資壁壘,提高市場透明度,推廣更加平衡、包容、持久的經濟增長模式。亞太經合組織等地區組織已在這些領域取得可觀進展。除此,美國正在參與跨太平洋夥伴合作關係貿易談判,並以此爲機制改善許多主要亞太經濟體之間的關係。

And to build on political progress, we must support efforts to protect human rights and promote open societies. We applaud ASEAN’s decision to establish a new Intergovernmental Commission on Human Rights when the Association’s new charter went into effect in December of 2008. Over time, we hope the Commission and other regional initiatives will enhance respect for fundamental freedoms and human dignity throughout the region.

爲了繼續推動政治進步,我們必須支持保護人權和促進開放型社會的努力。我們讚賞東盟2008年12月在該組織新章程生效時決定成立新的跨政府人權委員會。我們希望,該委員會和其他地區性行動計劃最終將有助於促進整個地區對基本自由和人類尊嚴的尊重。

Third, our institutions must be effective and be focused on delivering results. This has been a priority for President Obama and me since Day One. Because we believe that Asia’s rise over the past two decades has given the region an opportunity for progress that simply didn’t exist before.

第三,我們的機構必須具有效益並側重於產生實效。這是奧巴馬總統和我自從就職以來的一項重點目標。我們認爲,過去20年中亞洲的崛起爲該地區的進步創造了前所未有的機遇。The formation and operation of regional groups should be motivated by concrete, pragmatic considerations. It’s more important to have organizations that produce results, rather than simply producing new organizations.

成立和運作地區組織應該以具體而務實的精神爲動力。更爲重要的是,組織機構應產生實效,而非徒具虛名。

Now, dialogue is critical in any multilateral institution. But as Asian nations become regional and global players, we must focus increasingly on action. Groups should assess their progress regularly and honestly, and emphasize that all participants are responsible for playing a positive role.

對話是任何多邊機制的關鍵。然而,隨着亞洲國家成爲地區和全球參與者,我們必須逐漸側重於行動。機構應經常如實地評估其進展,並強調所有參與者都應發揮積極作用。

For example, in the aftermath of the 2004 tsunami that devastated South and Southeast Asia, the world witnessed how concrete collective action and a relentless focus on results can provide hope in the face of tragedy. Beyond immediate assistance to areas hit by the tsunami, the disaster response was a catalyst for cooperation across the broader region. It helped to forge enduring political, military, and civilian relationships that have enhanced our ability to respond collectively to natural disasters. We should learn from this example, and act with similar urgency and efficiency in dealing with challenges such as climate change and food security. I am proud that the United States has been and will continue to be a leader in this area. Just this last year, we played a critical role in the civilian-military response that helped bring relief to areas ravaged by cyclones, such as the Philippines and others.

例如,2004年南亞和東南亞遭受海嘯襲擊之後,全世界目睹了具體的集體行動和嚴格追求實效的做法如何在災難發生時爲人們帶來希望。除了向海嘯災區迅速提供援助之外,救災工作推動了整個地區的合作,幫助締造了持久的政治、軍事及民間關係,強化了我們通過集體行動應對自然災害的能力。我們應從這一範例中獲得啓迪,以同樣的緊迫感和效率來迎接氣候變化、食品安全及其他挑戰。我感到自豪的是,美國一直並將繼續在這一地區發揮領導作用。就在過去一年裏,我們在軍民救災工作中發揮了關鍵作用,爲菲律賓等遭受龍捲風襲擊的國家減輕了災害後果。

Now, to produce consistent results, institutions need effective governance. That doesn’t mean that every organization will use the same mechanism to make decisions. But it does mean that they should embrace efficient decision-making processes and, where appropriate, differentiated roles and responsibilities. At the same time, building serious multilateral institutions requires us to share the burden of operating them. Systems that reward free riders and minimalist contributions are designed to fail.

爲了取得穩固成效,各種機構都需要接受有效管理。這並不是說每個組織都要利用同樣的機制作出決定,但它確實意味着每個組織都應採納有效的決策程序並適時發揮不同的作用和承擔不同的責任。與此同時,建設認真努力的多邊機構要求我們必須分擔管理的重擔。鼓勵不勞而獲地搭便車和最低限度地參與的體系註定要失敗。

So on security matters, we are eager to strengthen the ASEAN Regional Forum. The United States will continue to participate in the Forum, and we hope to build on some recent successes, including an inaugural civil-military disaster relief exercise last May. The ASEAN Regional Forum should make good on the vision laid out at our meeting in Thailand last July for it to assume greater responsibilities for disaster relief and humanitarian operations. And the United States stands ready to assist in facilitating that. It should also build on the Forum’s demonstrated recognition that Burma and other regional human rights issues will have a substantial effect on regional peace and security. One reason I have established an ambassadorial post to ASEAN in Jakarta is to strengthen this institutionalized process.

因此,在安全問題上我們渴望加強東南亞國家聯盟地區論壇。美國將繼續參加這個論壇,我們希望在最近一些成功實例的基礎上繼續努力,其中包括去年5月首次舉行的軍民聯合救災演習。東南亞國家聯盟地區論壇應努力實現去年7月在泰國舉行的會議上所提出的願景,爲救災和人道主義行動承擔更大的責任。美國隨時準備爲促進這類行動提供援助。該論壇公開承認緬甸問題及其他地區性人權問題將對地區和平與安全產生重大影響,它應當以此爲基礎繼續努力。我在雅加達設置一個駐東南亞國家聯盟的大使級職位就是爲了強化這個體制化進程。

Fourth, we must seek to maintain and enhance flexibility in pursuing the results we seek. Now, in some instances, large multilateral institutions may lack the tools necessary to manage particular problems. Where it makes sense, we will participate in informal arrangements targeted to specific challenges, and we will support sub-regional institutions that advance the shared interests of groups of neighbors.

第四,我們必須在力求取得這些成效時努力保持和增強靈活性。現在,在某些情況下,大型多邊機構可能缺少必要的工具來處理具體的問題。在適當的領域,我們將參加以應對具體挑戰爲目標的非正式磋商,並將支持那些促進周邊國家共同利益的次地區機構。

Another example of that is the Six-Party Talks, which show the potential of an informal arrangement to advance shared interests. Key regional actors have joined together to pursue the verifiable denuclearization of North Korea. Now, making progress toward the complete and irreversible denuclearization of North Korea we know will strengthen security across Asia-Pacific countries, and we are working with our Six-Party partners for a resumption of the Six-Party Talks in the near future.

另外一個實例是六方會談,它展示了旨在促進共同利益的非正式磋商的潛能。該地區的重要參與方一直在共同努力,爭取以可覈查的方式實現北韓去核化。我們知道,向全面地、不可逆轉地實現北韓去核化的目標邁進將增進亞太地區各個國家的安全,我們正在與我們的夥伴共同努力,爭取在近期內恢復六方會談。

We have engaged in an enhanced relationship the Lower Mekong countries. We have a Trilateral Strategic Dialogue with Japan and Australia, with Japan and South Korea, and we have informal arrangements guiding cooperation in the Straits of Malacca. And these are each examples of how this kind of multilateralism can produce effective outcomes. And I’m on my way to Australia, where Secretary Gates and I will be meeting in a 2+2 setting with our counterparts there. So we welcome further opportunities to engage this way, for example in trilateral dialogues with Japan and China, and with Japan and India.

我們已與湄公河下游的國家增強了聯繫。我們與日本和澳大利亞、以及日本和韓國進行了三邊戰略對話。我們通過非正式磋商來指導在馬六甲海峽地區的合作。這些都是這種多邊主義怎樣能產生有效成果的實例。我即將前往澳大利亞,國防部長蓋茨與我將在那裏以2對2的方式與澳大利亞有關官員會晤。因此,我們歡迎今後以這種方式接觸的機會,例如與日本和中國以及日本和印度進行三邊對話。

When it comes to sub-regional institutions, we really believe that ASEAN is an important success story. It has made a bold decision to integrate across the economic, socio-cultural, and political-security spheres. We believe that a strong, integrated ASEAN will serve broader regional interests in stability and prosperity. And so we will continue to support ASEAN and we will continue emphasize capacity-building activities under the enhanced U.S.-ASEAN Enhanced Partnership and the economic-focused U.S.-ASEAN Trade and Investment Framework Agreement. President Obama had that valuable first-ever meeting with ASEAN’s ten leaders in Singapore.

當我們談到次地區機構時,我們確實認爲東南亞國家聯盟是一個重要的成功範例。它作出了有魄力的決定,將經濟、社會文化和政治安全領域一體化。我們相信,一個強大的、一體化的東南亞國家聯盟將爲更廣泛的穩定與繁榮的地區利益作出貢獻。因此我們將繼續支持東南亞國家聯盟,同時我們還將繼續根據業已加強的《增進美國-東盟夥伴關係計劃》和以經濟爲重點的《美國-東盟貿易與投資框架協議》來加強能力建設工作。爲此,奧巴馬總統與東南亞國家聯盟的10位領導人在新加坡舉行了史無前例的重要會議。

Now, I know some people, their eyes may glaze over when you hear all these acronyms, but we need to recognize that these regional organizations are very important to the actors who are in them. And the failure of the United States not to participate demonstrates a lack of respect and a willingness to engage. And that is why I made it very clear upon becoming Secretary of State that the United States would show up. I don’t know if half of life is showing up, but I think half of diplomacy is showing up.

我知道,有些人聽到這一連串縮略語時,可能會感到茫然,但我們需要認識到:這些區域性組織對於其中的參與者來說十分重要。美國如果不參與,就是缺乏尊重、缺乏接觸意願的表現。因此,我在就任美國國務卿伊始便十分清楚地表明美國將會參與。我不知道是否能夠馬到成功,但我知道我們在外交領域已經在全力以赴。

And as we’ve also seen new organizations, including the ASEAN Regional Forum, ASEAN+3, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, we hope that we will be able to participate actively in many of those.

我們還看到了包括東南亞國家聯盟地區論壇、東盟+3及上海合作組織在內的新的組織,我們希望我們將能積極參與其中多個組織的工作。

Fifth, we need to decide, as Asia-Pacific nations, which will be the defining regional institutions. So although we respect and will work with the organizations that countries themselves have created, some of recent vintage, it’s important that we do a better job of trying to define which organizations will best protect and promote our collective future.

第五,作爲亞太地區國家,我們需要確定哪些組織將成爲決定性的地區機構。因此,儘管我們尊重一些國家自己組建的組織——有些剛成立不久——並將與之合作,但我們必須更好地完成努力確定哪些組織能夠最有效地捍衛並促進我們的共同前途的工作。

Now, each may have its place and its purpose. But the defining ones will include all the key stakeholders. And these may be well-established, like APEC, or they could be of more recent vintage, like the East Asia Summit, or more likely, a mix of well-established and new. This is a critical question that we must answer together through consultation and coordination.

每一個機構都有其作用和目的,但具有決定性的機構將包括所有的利益相關者。其中有些可能由來已久,如亞太經合組織;有些可能成立於近期,如東亞峯會;或者更有可能的是,它們是新老機構的結合。這是一個我們必須通過磋商和協調共同回答的關鍵問題。

During his visit to Tokyo last year, President Obama conveyed the United States’ intention to engage fully with these new organizations. And as a part of this strategy, we propose to begin consultations with Asian partners and friends on how the United States might play a role in the East Asia Summit, and how the East Asia Summit fits into the broader institutional landscape, and how major meetings in the region can be sequenced most effectively for everyone’s time.

奧巴馬總統在去年訪問東京期間表達了美國準備全面參與這些新機構的意願。作爲這一戰略的一項內容,我們提議與亞洲夥伴和盟友就美國如何在東亞峯會上發揮作用、東亞峯會將在更廣的機構格局中處於何種位置、以及如何安排主要地區性會議從而能使各方最有效地利用時間等問題開始磋商。

There is also a continuing need for an institution that is aimed at fostering the steady economic integration of the region based on shared principles and objectives. I think APEC is the organization that we and our partners must engage in, ensuring that it moves toward fulfilling that responsibility.

一個繼續存在的需要是,要有一個旨在以共同的原則和目標爲基礎,促進地區經濟穩步融合的機構。我認爲,我們和我們的合作伙伴必須參與亞太經合組織,確保它朝着履行這一職責的方向發展。U.S. involvement and leadership in Asia-Pacific institutions, ranging from our support for and contributions to APEC to our response to the Indian Ocean Tsunami, can benefit everyone. We can provide resources and facilitate cooperation in ways that other regional actors cannot replicate or, in some cases, are not trusted to do. No country, however – including our own – should seek to dominate these institutions. But an active and engaged United States is critical to the success of these.

美國在亞太各種機構中的參與和領導作用——從我們對亞太經合組織的支持和貢獻到我們對印度洋海嘯的反應——可以讓各方受益。我們能夠以其他地區性角色所無法效仿或在某些情況下無法得到信任的方式提供資源和促進合作。然而,沒有任何國家——包括我國在內——應謀求主宰這些機構。但是,美國的主動和積極參與對這些機構的成功至關重要。

As we reexamine our structures for cooperation, we should remember that power is not just concentrated in governments. We should develop organizations that harness the positive role of non-state groups such as civil society movements, NGOs in development enterprises, and businesses that play important and constructive roles in development. We should look for more ways to enhance military-to-military cooperation and decrease mistrust and misunderstanding.

我們在重新審視我們的合作框架時應記住,權力並非只集中在政府手中。我們應該發展那些能夠發揮非政府團體積極作用的組織——如公民社會運動,致力於推動發展的非政府組織、以及在發展中發揮重要和建設性作用的工商企業等。我們應該尋找更多途徑,促進軍隊與軍隊之間的合作,減少不信任和誤解。

Tomorrow, as I leave for Australia, I will be looking forward to our discussions with Prime Minister Rudd, who has been a leader in promoting dialogue in this region. We value his contributions, and I will use this trip, along with my stops in New Zealand and Pacific islands, as an opportunity to continue our consultation.

我明天前往澳大利亞,期待與陸克文總理舉行會談。他一直是推動地區對話的帶頭人。我們珍視他的貢獻,我將借這次訪問和我在新西蘭及太平洋羣島停留的機會,繼續我們的磋商。

The people of the Asia-Pacific region have endured centuries of upheaval. The ultimate purpose of our cooperation should be to dispel suspicions that still exist as artifacts of the region’s turbulent past, and build in their place a future of openness, honesty, and progress for all of our people.

亞太地區人民經歷了數百年的動盪。我們合作的最終目的應該是消除疑慮——它作爲這一地區動盪歷史的產物依然存在——並代之以一個開放、誠信和給我們全體人民帶來進步的未來。

I visited the USS Arizona earlier today, which is always a moving experience, I’m sure, for everyone, as it is for me. And as we were leaving the memorial, Lieutenant General Darnell told me that he had recently hosted officials from Vietnam. And as they came out of the memorial, the Navy had flown a Vietnamese flag from the boat waiting. It was a stunning moment, stunning on both sides, certainly stunning for our Vietnamese visitors, and stunning for the United States. What other country would do that? What other country applauds the success, the prosperity, and development of former enemies, of competitors, of those who have different systems and different cultures and different points of view?

我在今天早些時候參觀了亞利桑那號艦——我相信這對每個人,就像對我一樣,始終是一個感人的經歷。正當我們準備離開紀念館時,達納爾中將告訴我他最近接待了來自越南的官員。當他們從紀念館出來時,海軍在等待他們的船上掛起了一面越南國旗。那是一個令人驚愕的時刻,對雙方都是如此,對我們的越南客人肯定如此,對美國方面也一樣。還有哪個國家會這麼做?還有哪個國家會爲過去的敵人、競爭對手、一個有着不同制度和不同文化及觀點的國家的成功、繁榮與發展喝彩?

So I don’t think there is any doubt, if there were when this Administration began, that the United States is back in Asia. But I want to underscore that we are back to stay. (Applause.)

因此,我認爲,毫無疑問——如果本屆政府開始執政時有懷疑的話——美國已經重返亞洲。但我要強調的是,我們不僅重返,而且會留下來。(掌聲。)

In the space of two generations, Asia has become a region in which the old is juxtaposed with the new, a region that has gone from soybeans to satellites, from rural outposts to gleaming mega-cities, from traditional calligraphy to instant messaging, and most importantly, from old hatreds to new partnerships.

僅在兩代人的時間裏,亞洲已經成爲一個新舊交替並存的地區——從大豆生產發展到衛星昇天,從邊遠的鄉村發展成光鮮的都市,從傳統書法走向手機短信,而最重要的是,從宿怨深重轉向新的夥伴關係。

Regional cooperation in our part of the world must reflect these new realities and the extraordinary potential that resides within. And the United States looks forward to expanding its engagement, and to working with our partners to help ourselves and this region realize our extraordinary promise.

我們在這個地區的合作必須反映新的現實和蘊藏在這裏的非凡潛力。美國期待着擴大參與和與合作伙伴的共同努力,幫助我們自身和這一地區發揮潛力,創造非凡的未來。

Thank you all very much. (Applause.)

非常感謝各位。(掌聲。)