拜登副總統關於亞太政策的講話
Remarks by Vice President Joe Biden on Asia-Pacific Policy
副總統喬·拜登關於亞太政策的講話
George Washington University, Washington, D.C.
喬治·華盛頓大學，華盛頓特區
July 18, 2013
2013年7月18日
Good afternoon, folks. Thank you for your patience.
各位下午好。非常感謝諸位的耐心。
I’d like to begin by thanking -- Mr. President, thank you for offering the venue here at GW. You’re always generous, and we appreciate it a great deal. And I was -- it’s terrible being dated. I was -- I did speak the first year that the Center for American Progress was inaugurated, and here I’m speaking at the 10th anniversary. And the amazing thing is they’re still going; that’s having me speak there first.
我要首先感謝校長先生，感謝您提供喬治·華盛頓大學的場地。您一向如此慷慨，我們對此極爲感激。我曾經——那麼久遠了真可怕——我曾經在美國進步中心第一年落成的時候發表講話，而現在我是在十週年紀念之際講話，他們仍在運作令人驚歎；那是因爲讓我在那裏第一個講話的緣故。
But, Neera, thank you. We miss you. And, Rich, thank you as well. And to the ambassadors who are here, thank you very much. I’m honored that you’d take the time.
尼拉，謝謝你，我們惦念着你。也謝謝里奇。非常感謝在座的各位大使。各位拿出時間來令我不勝榮幸。
Today I want to talk to you about why and how we are pursuing our announced policy of elevated engagement in the Asia-Pacific, and where I believe -- we believe -- that policy is headed.
今天，我想和諸位談談我們爲什麼以及如何奉行我們宣佈的加強同亞太接觸的政策，以及我認爲——我們認爲——這項政策的走向。
When President Obama and I came to office, to state the obvious, we inherited two wars. And it was costing us in blood and treasure and time. And we knew we had to end both those wars responsibly. We’ve done that in Iraq, and we’re doing that as I speak in Afghanistan. We’ll obviously continue to be engaged in both places. And of course we’ll continue to take the fight to Al Qaeda and its affiliates there or wherever they are. But winding down those wars has allowed us to turn to the opportunities that reflect the realities of a fast-changing world.
奧巴馬總統和我上任時，毋庸贅言，我們接手了兩場戰爭。戰爭正在讓我們付出生命、財力和時間代價。我們知道，我們必須負責任地結束這兩場戰爭。我們已經在伊拉克做到這點，在我講話的此時此刻我們正在阿富汗這樣做。我們顯然將繼續與這兩個國家保持聯繫。我們當然要繼續打擊那裏以及任何地方的基地組織及其同夥勢力。但是，逐漸結束這兩場戰爭使我們能夠面向反映這個迅速變化的世界的現實的種種機會。
We ask ourselves two things in the review of how to proceed: Where should we focus additional attention and resources that would enable us to create greater opportunity at home and generate greater growth -- economic growth -- around the world? And where must we make strategic investments that are required to enhance not only our security but global stability?
我們在審議如何前進時給自己提出兩個問題：我們應該在哪裏投入更多的關注和資源，從而使我們能夠在國內創造更大的機會，並推動全球實現更大的經濟增長？我們必須在哪裏進行必須的戰略性投資，從而不僅加強我們的安全，而且維護全球穩定？
Both -- I say to the ambassadors -- both pointed to the Asia-Pacific.
我要向諸位大使說，這兩者都指向亞太地區。
In terms of economics, the Asia-Pacific region —- stretching from India to the Pacific nations of the Americas -— is home to a middle class of about a billion people. Some of the fastest growing growth rates in the world are within that region. Emerging markets whose choices will shape the character of the entire global economy are within that purview.
在經濟方面，亞太地區——從印度到美洲太平洋國家——擁有約10億中產階層人口。全球經濟增長最快的一些國家位於這個地區。這個範圍內的各新興市場所做的選擇將決定全球經濟的特徵。
So we reached out. We reached out to deepen economic ties and promote open markets and a rule-based competition for the 21st century.
因此，我們去主動接觸。我們去主動接觸以深化經濟關係，推動市場開放，促進21世紀基於規則的競爭。
We finished a free-trade agreement with South Korea, as well as deals with Panama and Colombia. We launched negotiations on a new Trans-Pacific Partnership that will connect diverse -- economies as diverse as Singapore and Peru. We’ve worked toward a more constructive economic relationship with China, including through the Strategic and Economic Dialogue. And I opened the fifth round of that dialogue just last week.
我們與韓國以及巴拿馬和哥倫比亞簽署了自由貿易協定。我們啓動了有關新的跨太平洋夥伴關係的談判，這將把不同的——像從新加坡到祕魯這種不同的——經濟體連接起來。我們爲與中國建立更有建設性的經濟關係作出努力，包括通過戰略與經濟對話。我上週剛在第五輪對話開幕時發表了講話。
In terms of security, we undertook a major strategic review at the Defense Department and with our security personnel on how to assess how our global posture and where do we need to evolve to match the moment.
在安全方面，我們在國防部進行了重大戰略審議，並與安全人員探討了如何評估我們的全球態勢和爲適應當前需要應該如何發展。
In the Asia-Pacific, we saw a region of remarkable promise, but also genuine uncertainty and political risk. Many nations have experienced rapid economic transformation that has fundamentally created a new dynamic: rising ambitions and rising tensions. But the rules and norms that could provide predictability to deal with both those changes, the order needed remained incomplete.
我們在亞太地區看到了光明前景，但也看到真實的不確定性和政治風險。許多國家經歷了快速經濟轉型，從而從根本上形成一種新的動態：更加雄心勃勃，更加關係緊張。但是，能夠爲處理這兩方面變化帶來可預見性的規則和規範，即所需秩序，尚未完善。
We are focused on the risks of disruptions of commerce, proliferation, human disasters, conflict between nations and the persistent threat posed by North Korea.
我們集中關注某些風險，例如擾亂商務、核擴散、人爲災難、國家間的衝突以及北韓帶來的持續威脅。
So we set about doing several things: first of all, strengthening our alliances; deepening security partnerships and investing like never before in regional institutions to help manage disputes peacefully.
因此，我們從多方面着手努力：首先是加強我們的同盟，深化安全合作伙伴關係，並且對區域機制給予前所未有的投資以便有助於和平處理爭端。
President Obama adopted a new Defense Strategic Guidance endorsed by the Joint Chiefs of Staff after months of study that elevates our focus in the Asia-Pacific area.
在進行了幾個月的研究之後，歐巴馬總統批准了參謀長聯席會議所支持的新的國防戰略指導方針，加強我們對亞太地區的關注。And economically and strategically it’s clear why the United States had to rebalance -- to direct more resources and attention toward the Asia-Pacific region.
在經濟和戰略方面，美國必須進行再平衡的原因顯而易見——要向亞太地區投入更多資源和關注。
Because imagine what can happen if growing Asia-Pacific middle classes help lift the global economy even more than they already are; if nations reject the temptations of zero-sum thinking and rise peacefully together; if progress toward greater rights and freedoms proves that no country has to make a choice between democracy and development, which is a false choice.
因爲試想一下，如果不斷壯大的亞太地區中產階級比現在更能夠幫助提振全球經濟；如果各國擯棄零和思維的誘惑而共同和平崛起；如果爲獲得更多的權利和自由取得的進步證明，沒有那一個國家必須在民主和發展兩者中做出選擇——這其實是一個錯誤的命題，那將會出現怎樣的情景？
Let me put it slightly differently: Just imagine what will happen if those things don’t come to pass. We’ll all be in a world of trouble. So we’re all in, this administration. Absolutely committed to this rebalance. The President is absolutely committed, and so am I. And so is our entire national security and economic teams.
我再換一個稍微不同的說法：僅試想一下，如果這些情景不出現又會怎樣？我們將陷入巨大的麻煩。因此，我們大家，此屆政府的所有人，都絕對致力於這一再平衡。奧巴馬總統絕對致力於，我也一樣。我們整個國家安全和經濟團隊也如此。
And you don’t need to look any further than my own recent engagement to understand the breadth and scope of the rebalance. I’m traveling to India next week. Twenty, even 10 years ago, some might have suggested that India be left out of discussions about the Asia-Pacific.
大家只需要看看我本人最近的接觸就能瞭解到再平衡的廣度和範圍。我下週將出訪印度。在二十、甚至十年前，有些人可能會建議把印度排除在有關亞太的討論之外。
One of the reasons why President Obama called our relationship with India “a defining partnership of the century ahead” is that India is increasingly looking east as a force for security and growth in Southeast Asia and beyond.
奧巴馬總統將我們與印度的關係稱爲“未來一百年的決定性夥伴關係”，其原因之一就是印度正作爲東南亞及更廣地區的一個安全和增長力量日益向東看。
To us that’s welcome news. We encourage it. We welcome India’s engagement in the region, and we welcome its efforts to develop new trade and transportation links by land and by sea in the area.
這是我們所歡迎的。我們對此表示鼓勵。我們歡迎印度參與這一地區的事務，我們歡迎它爲在該地區發展新的貿易和海陸運輸線所做的努力。
I’ll also visit Singapore, a country of 5 million people, that has become the 17th-largest economy in the world, a partner in the TPP and an important player in Southeast Asia and beyond.
我還將訪問500萬人口的國家新加坡，它已成爲世界上第十七大經濟體，是我們跨太平洋夥伴關係的合作伙伴，也是東南亞地區及其更廣泛地區的一個重要角色。
The reasons President Obama has put particular focus on Southeast Asia: ASEAN now represents a $2 trillion economy of 600 million people. There is more American investment in Southeast Asia than in China. Southeast Asian nations like Singapore and Indonesia have become important partners on everything from counter-proliferation to counter-piracy. That’s why I’m going to Singapore.
奧巴馬總統尤其注重東南亞地區的原因是：東盟現在代表着擁有6億人口和2萬億美元的經濟。美國在東南亞的投資超過了在中國的投資。新加坡和印度尼西亞等東南亞國家已經成爲從防擴散到打擊海盜等各個領域的重要合作伙伴。所以我將訪問新加坡。
And, of course, at the core of our strategy in the region are our alliances: Japan, South Korea, Australia, the Philippines, Thailand.
當然，處於我們在該地區戰略核心的是我們的盟友：日本、韓國、澳大利亞、菲律賓和泰國。
Across the board in these alliances, we’re at a high water mark in terms of cooperation between our leaders -- both military and political -- and the support of our people.
在整個這些聯盟中，就我們領導人之間的合作來說——軍事和政治的合作——我們處於很高的水平，並得到了人民的支持。
Closer to home, our intensified engagement within the Western Hemisphere is also part —- not just parallel to -– our overall rebalancing policy.
在距離美國更近的地區，我們加強在西半球的參與也是我們總體再平衡政策的一部分——而不只是與之平行。
You see that very concretely in the Trans-Pacific Partnership which includes five countries in the Western Hemisphere. You can also see it in the initiatives within the Hemisphere like the Alliance for the Pacific -- a new group of free-market-oriented countries that are integrating their economies and looking west for trade and investment.
你們可以在包括西半球五個國家在內的跨太平洋夥伴關係中具體看到這點。你們也可以從西半球範圍內的太平洋聯盟這樣的行動計劃中看到這點，太平洋聯盟是一個以自由市場爲導向的新型國家集團，正在實施經濟融合並將貿易和投資的目光投向西方。
As I said in a speech not long ago, for the first time, at least the first time I can remember, I believe the first time in history, it’s possible -- it’s not Pollyannaish -- to envision an America -- an Americas that is middle class, secure and democratic from northern Canada to the tip of Chile and everything in between. There’s much work to be done, but that is within reach.
正如我在不久之前的一次演講中所說的，這是第一次，至少是我記憶中第一次，我相信這是有史以來的第一次，我們有可能——而不是盲目樂觀——憧憬這樣的美洲，即一個從加拿大北部到智利南端及兩者之間的所有地帶都是中產階級的、安全的和民主的美洲。這仍然任重道遠，但卻是可以實現的。
That kind of Americas connected economically, strategically and through common values can make a great contribution to a more prosperous and secure Pacific.
這樣的美洲在經濟和戰略上一脈相連，並可以通過共同的價值觀爲一個更繁榮和安全的太平洋做出巨大貢獻。
That’s one of the reasons why President Obama recently visited Mexico and Costa Rica. That’s why I was recently in Colombia, Thailand [sic] and Brazil in May and will return to the region this fall. So what does all this add up to?
這就是奧巴馬總統最近訪問墨西哥和哥斯達黎加的原因之一。這就是我最近在五月份訪問哥倫比亞、泰國[原文如此]和巴西並將在今年秋天再次訪問這一地區的原因。那麼，這所有的一切意味着什麼？
Our goal is to help tie Asia-Pacific nations together –- from India to the Americas -— through strong alliances, institutions and partnerships.
我們的目標是通過強大的聯盟、機制和夥伴關係幫助將亞太各國——從印度到美洲——連接在一起。
For the past 60 years, the security we provided has enabled the region’s people to turn their talents and hard work into an economic miracle. And now, we want to hasten the emergence of an Asian-Pacific order that delivers security and prosperity for all the nations involved.
在過去的60年裏，我們所提供的安全使這一地區的人民得以將他們的才智和勤勞轉化爲經濟奇蹟。現在，我們希望加快亞太地區秩序的形成，爲所有相關國家帶來安全和繁榮。
In short, we want to help lead in creating the 21st century rules of the road that will benefit not only the United States, and the region, but the world as a whole. The lifeblood of the region, to state the obvious, is economic development. But growth has slowed in India, China and many places in Asia. And each country faces distinct and different challenges.
簡言之，我們希望爲制定不僅對美國和該地區而且對全世界都有益的21世紀行爲規範發揮主導作用。顯而易見，該地區的命脈是經濟發展。但在印度、中國和亞洲許多地方，增長已經減緩。每個國家都面臨着獨特和不同的挑戰。
But from our perspective, the way forward is fairly clear. To spark new growth, there has to be: fewer barriers at and behind our borders; protections for intellectual property to reward innovation; new commitments to make sure everyone plays by the same rules because that’s what attracts investment and jobs; as well as greater economic integration.
但在我們看來，前進的道路非常明確。爲了激發新的增長，就必須在我們的邊境和境內減少障礙；保護知識產權以獎勵創新；必須作出新承諾確保人人遵循同樣的遊戲規則，因爲這可以吸引投資並創造就業機會；以及更大範圍的經濟融合。
That’s what we’re pursuing right now, today in Malaysia as our team negotiates the Trans-Pacific Partnership with countries as diverse as Vietnam, Chile, New Zealand, Mexico, very soon, Japan, and at which point the group will account for 40% of the world’s GDP.
這就是我們現在、我們今天在馬來西亞所追求的，我們的團隊正在與越南、智利、新西蘭、墨西哥、很快還有日本等不同國家進行跨太平洋夥伴關係談判，屆時，這個集團將佔據全球國內生產總值的40%。
The TPP has potential to set new standards for collective commitments to fair competition -- on state-owned enterprises, fair competition on investments, labor, the environment, open markets for automobiles and other industries.
跨太平洋夥伴關係有可能制定共同致力於公平競爭的新標準，包括有關國有企業，公平的投資競爭、勞工、環境及開放汽車和其他行業的市場等。
And we firmly believe this will create a strong incentive for other nations to raise their standards, as well, so that they can join. We’ve already had discussions with some of those very nations both in the Americas as well as in the Pacific.
而且，我們堅信這也將提供其他國家提高其標準的有力激勵，。我們已經同美洲和太平洋地區的這些國家進行了討論。But not only is this ambitious, this TPP effort of ours, we believe it is also doable. And we’re working hard to get this done this year.
但是，這一宏大的跨太平洋夥伴關係努力不僅是我們的目標，而且我們相信這是可以做到的。我們正在努力爭取今年實現此目標。
At the same time, we’re reaching out to the emerging economies of Southeast Asia: partnering with Lower Mekong countries to improve food security, connectivity, water and health; encouraging responsible investments and reforms in Burma; and last fall, the President launched a new initiative for Enhanced Economic Engagement with the ASEAN.
同時，我們也正在同東南亞的新興經濟體進行接觸：與湄公河下游國家進行合作以改善食品安全、互聯互通、用水和衛生；鼓勵在緬甸進行負責任的投資和改革；而且去年秋天，奧巴馬總統啓動了一項新的與東盟加強經濟合作的行動計劃。
We are addressing the challenges in our economic relationships with China as well. They are not at all inconsistent. We do not view our relationship and future relations with China in terms of conflict or the talk of inevitable conflict. We view it in terms of a healthy mix of competition and cooperation. A competition that we welcome. It’s stamped into our DNA. We like to compete. Competition is good for both of us, as long as the game is fair.
我們也正在應對我們與中國的經濟關係中的挑戰。這些挑戰絕非不可協調。我們不以衝突或不可避免的衝突論調來看待我們與中國的關係和未來的關係。我們認爲它有着健康的競爭與合作並存。一種我們歡迎的競爭。競爭意識在我們的基因中。我們喜歡競爭。競爭對兩國都有好處，只要競爭是公平的。
It is clear that the Chinese understand that to reverse their declining growth, there are internal reforms they need to make -- not reforms we’re suggesting they have to make. They’ve made their own judgment -- judgments if they follow through on them will not only help China in our view, but help the region and the world. They’ve concluded China needs to shift to a more consumer-driven economy. They’ve concluded they have to create a market-based, well-regulated financial system. And they’ve concluded they need to liberalize their exchange rates. It will be difficult. It’s difficult internally for them to do that, but I’m convinced they believe -- and we clearly do -- that it’s necessary.
顯然，中國人明白要扭轉他們增長減緩的局面，就必須進行內部改革——並非是我們建議他們必須進行改革。他們已經做出了自己的判斷——在我們看來，如果他們按這樣的判斷貫徹下去，這不僅將對中國有幫助，而且對亞太地區和世界都有幫助。他們已經得出結論認爲，他們必須轉向一個更多靠消費者驅動的經濟。他們得出結論認爲，他們必須創造一個基於市場、有良好監管的金融體系。他們得出結論認爲，他們需要使匯率自由化。那將是艱難的。這麼做對他們來說有內部的困難，但我相信，他們認爲——我們明確認爲——改革是必要的。
And we are engaging directly with India as it makes some fundamental choices that the Ambassador could speak to more directly than I could about its own economic future.
在印度正在作出一些根本性的選擇之際，我們在直接與印度接觸，對此，大使能比我更直接地講述印度自己的經濟未來。
In the last 13 years, we’ve increased fivefold our bilateral trade, reaching nearly $100 billion. But if you look at it from a distance, an uninformed person looked at it from a distance, there is no reason, that if our countries make the right choices, trade cannot grow fivefold or more.
過去13年來，我們之間的雙邊貿易增長了五倍，達到近1000億美元。不過，在一個局外人看來，在一個不知情的局外人看來，如果我們兩國都做出正確選擇，貿易便沒有理由不能增長五倍或更多。
Just this week, India announced that it will relax caps on foreign direct investment in certain sectors. We still have a lot of work to do on a wide range of issues, including the civil nuclear cooperation, a bilateral investment treaty, policies protecting innovation. There’s a lot of work to do. But we believe doing -- going with an open mind and listening, as well as making our case, we believe it can be done.
就在本週，印度宣佈將放寬某些行業的外國直接投資上限。我們在諸多問題上仍有大量工作要做，包括民用核合作、一項雙邊投資協定以及保護創新的政策。還有很多的工作要做。但我們相信——以開放的思路、通過傾聽以及闡明我們的觀點，我們相信這是可以做到的。
As we all strive for greater growth, we have to recognize that the impact of climate change also has an impact on growth as well as security. This is a priority for the President and for me. America now has the lowest level of carbon emission in two decades. And we’re determined to move further, and in the process where we can, where our technological capability is available, also help other countries do the same.
在我們大家爲實現更大的增長而努力的時候，我們也必須認識到，氣候變化的影響也會對增長和安全造成重大影響。這是奧巴馬總統和我的一項當務之急。美國現在的碳排放量已經降至20年來的最低水平。我們決心進一步向前推進，而且在此過程中，我們將盡我們所能，在我們的技術能力範圍內，幫助其他國家採取同樣的行動。
That’s why we’re working with ASEAN to promote investment in clean energy; why we’re helping Pacific island nations mitigate the effects of rising sea levels. They are rising. We just concluded an agreement with China to reduce the use of pollutants called HFCs that cause climate change. And there’s no reason we cannot do more with India as well. That’s why Secretary Kerry agreed to an enhanced dialogue with India on climate change just last month.
正因爲如此，我們正在與東盟攜手促進清潔能源投資，正在幫助太平洋島國減輕海平面上升造成的影響。海平面正在上升。我們剛剛與中國達成協議，以減少使用可導致氣候變化的叫做氫氟碳化合物的污染物。我們沒有理由不能與印度進行更多的合作。這正是爲什麼國務卿克里在上個月同意就氣候變化問題與印度加強對話。
Look, economic growth may be at the core of all we’re saying. Economic growth critically depends on peace and stability. That’s why we have to be -- there have to be 21st century rules of the road not only in the economic sphere, but also with regard to security.
經濟增長可能是我們所有人談論的核心議題。經濟增長極大地依賴於和平與穩定。正因爲如此，我們必須——不僅在經濟領域而且在安全方面必須制定21世紀的通行規則。
With regard to maritime disputes, it’s critical that all nations have a clear understanding of what constitutes acceptable international behavior. That means no intimidation, no coercion, no aggression, and a commitment from all parties to reduce the risk of mistake and miscalculation.
在海事糾紛方面，至關重要的是所有國家都必須清楚地瞭解什麼是可接受的國際行爲。這意味着不得恐嚇、不得脅迫、不得進犯，同時所有各方均承諾減少失誤和誤判的風險。My dad, God love him, used to have an expression. He’d say, Joey, the only war that’s worse than one that’s intended is one that is unintended. The prospects where they’re so close -- cheek-to-jowl -- for mistakes are real. So it’s in everyone’s interest that there be freedom of navigation, unimpeded lawful commerce, respect for international laws and norms, and peaceful resolution of territorial disputes.
我父親——上帝保佑他——曾經說過這樣的話：喬伊，唯一比故意發動的戰爭更糟糕的是無意挑起的戰爭。在極爲接近的情況下——好似臉頰緊挨着下巴——發生失誤的可能性切實存在。因此，航行自由、暢通無阻的合法商貿、尊重國際法和國際準則以及和平解決領土爭端，符合各方的利益。
That’s why I encourage China and ASEAN to work even more quickly to reach an agreement on a code of conduct in the South China Sea. Setting clear rules is the first step to managing these disputes. And the U.S. has a strong interest in seeing that happen as well.
正因爲如此，我鼓勵中國和東盟爭取就南中國海行爲準則更快地達成協議。制定明確的規則是控制這些爭端的第一步。而且美國也強烈希望看到達成這樣的協議。
With regard to North Korea, the one thing I think everyone now agrees on -- we agree that its nuclear and missile programs present a clear and present danger to stability in the area, in East Asia in particular. That’s why we’re working closely with our allies, Japan and South Korea. But we’re also working more closely than the 40 years I’ve been engaged with China and with Russia.
在北韓方面，我認爲現在所有人都同意——我們一致認爲其核計劃和導彈計劃給該地區，特別是東亞地區的穩定帶來明顯和切實的危險。這正是我們與我們的盟國——日本和韓國——進行密切合作的原因所在。但我們同時也增進了與中國和俄羅斯的合作，比40年來我與這兩國接觸過程中的合作更爲密切。
In light of North Korea’s recent provocative behavior, we welcome President Xi’s important statement: achieving a denuclearized Korean Peninsula, as that being a Chinese priority. Not just something they wish for, but a priority. We welcome that firm assertion.
鑑於北韓最近的挑釁行爲，我們對習近平主席發表的重要聲明表示歡迎：實現朝鮮半島無核化是中國的一個首要事項。不僅是他們的一個願望，而且是一個首要事項。我們對這一堅定承諾表示歡迎。
Now, North Korea is calling for dialogue. As my mother would say, I’ve seen this movie before. (Laughter.) We’ve been there before. But we are ready. We are ready, but only if North Korea is prepared to engage in genuine negotiations. We will not countenance North Korea’s pattern of provoking a crisis and then insisting they be rewarded in order to cease and desist from the actions they are taking. We’ve been there before, only to find that once they’re gotten the space or the aid they need, they return to the same provocative, dangerous behavior and continue their nuclear march.
現在，北韓呼籲舉行對話。正如我母親總說的，我以前看過這部電影。（笑聲）我們已經見識過這種情況。但我們已經做好準備。我們做好了準備，就等北韓準備進行真正的談判。我們不會縱容北韓的一貫行徑，他們總是先挑起危機，然後非要索取回報纔會罷休和停止他們的所作所爲。我們已經遇到過這種情況了，結果卻發現他們一旦得到了所需的空間或援助便會故伎重演，採取同樣的挑釁、危險的行爲，並繼續推進其核活動。
North Korea can have peace and prosperity like the rest of the region, but only without nuclear weapons. North Korea has a clear choice: It can choose a better path for its people, or continue down the road they’re on.
北韓可以獲得像該地區其他國家那樣的和平與繁榮，但前提是不得擁有核武器。擺在北韓面前的選擇清楚明瞭：要麼選擇更有利於本國人民的道路，要麼沿着現在的道路繼續走下去。
Make no mistake about it, though. We are open to engaging with any nation that’s prepared to live up to its international obligations. That’s what we did in Burma. And I think most would say we’re already seeing some tangible benefits from that engagement.
但請不要誤解：我們願意同任何一個準備履行其國際義務的國家接觸。我們在緬甸就是這樣做的。我想大多數人都會說，我們已經從這種接觸中看到了一些實實在在的惠益。
So we’ve got a full agenda ahead of us in Asia. And we’re committed to seeing it through. But as I travel around the world, and I’m heading to India -- I’m about to cross the 700,000-mile barrier since Vice President, not counting the previous 36 years -- but I hear questions wherever I go, questions in Asia about whether we’re truly committed to this rebalance. I’ve also heard questions in my recent trips to Europe, with European leaders, about whether or not we’re going to be leaving Europe behind.
因此，我們在亞洲的議事日程排得滿滿當當。我們致力於把它貫徹到底。在我走訪世界各地的過程中——我即將前往印度——我將突破自就任副總統以來的70萬英里行程紀錄，這還不算之前的36年；但是無論走到哪裏我都會聽到人們提出的問題，在亞洲的問題是我們是否真正致力於這種再平衡。近來幾次出訪歐洲時，我也曾聽到歐洲領導人提出我們是否會丟下歐洲不管的問題。
It should be clear on its face, we’re not leaving Europe. I recently spoke to the European nations, NATO members and EU members, in Munich. And I said that Europe remains “the cornerstone of our engagement with the rest of the world.” That is a fact. We’re not going anywhere.
這個問題顯而易見，我們不會丟下歐洲。我最近在慕尼黑向歐洲國家、北約成員國和歐盟成員國發表了講話。我說，歐洲依然是“我們與世界其他地區進行接觸的基石”。這是一個事實。我們不會一走了之。
As a matter of fact, we’re absolutely convinced that our engagement in the Pacific is in the overwhelming self-interest of Europe. We’re convinced the combination of new transatlantic economic agreements that we’re now negotiating and the Trans-Pacific Partnership I’ve discussed, they reinforce one another. They are not at odds with one another. Together, they’re designed to update and strengthen the global economic rules of the world in the 21st century.
事實上，我們絕對相信，我們與太平洋地區的接觸符合歐洲自身廣泛的整體利益。我們相信，我們正在談判的新的跨大西洋經濟協定和我談到的跨太平洋夥伴關係同功一體，相輔相成，並非相互背離。兩者共同的構想在於更新和加強全世界21世紀的經濟規則。
Europe, just like us, will benefit greatly as well from stability in the Pacific, in Asia. And by the way, there is no reason why we cannot bring greater focus to the Asia-Pacific and keep our eye on the ball in the Middle East. Folks, that’s what big powers do. To use the vernacular, we can walk and chew gum at the same time. That’s what big powers do.
歐洲和我們一樣，也將極大地從亞太地區的穩定中受益。順便說一句，我們沒有理由不更多地關注亞太地區同時密切注視中東局勢。諸位，這是大國的作爲。俗話說，我們完全可以一邊走路一邊嚼口香糖。這是大國的作爲。
And there is no evidence that we are taking our eye off the ball -- as we should [sic] in the Middle East, leaving Europe or not intending on following through on our rebalance in the Asia-Pacific area.
沒有證據表明，我們對應受到我們關注的中東局勢轉移了注意力，丟下歐洲或不打算堅持實現亞太地區的再平衡。
Folks, we’re better positioned than any time before to be able to do it all. I know you’ll think it sounds like a campaign assertion I’ve been making for years, but America is back. When I was last in China, as I pointed out to the Chinese leadership, it’s never, never, never been a good bet to bet against America. The resiliency of the American people and the nature of our system -- America is back.
諸位，我們處於比以往任何時候都更有利的地位做到這一切。我知道，你們會認爲這聽起來像我多年來發表的競選主張，但是美國又回來了。我在上一次訪問中國期間曾向中國領導人指出，寄希望於美國無功而退，永遠、永遠、永遠都不是上策。由於美國人民堅忍不拔和我們制度具有的性質，美國又回來了。To paraphrase Mark Twain, the reports of our demise are very premature. Our businesses have created 7.2 million jobs since we’ve taken office. We’ve gone from losing more than 400,000 jobs a month, over 12 months in 2009, to creating over 200,000 jobs per month thus far this year. Manufacturing is back -- the biggest increase in manufacturing in nearly 20 years. And an awful lot of high-tech companies are looking to come home.
套用馬克·吐溫的一句話，關於我們衰落的說法遠遠脫離實際。自從我們上任以來，我國工商業已創造720萬個就業機會。在2009年的12個月期間，我國平均每月喪失40多萬個就業崗位，今年截至目前，平均每月創造20多萬個就業機會。製造業正在復甦，實現了近20年最大幅度的增長。大批高科技公司正打算遷回美國。
There’s a reason for it. American workers are incredibly productive -- three times as productive as Chinese workers, to give you one example. They can be assured their intellectual property will be protected. We have a transparent court system that will enforce contracts.
這是有原因的。美國工人擁有極高的生產力，舉例來說，他們的生產力是中國工人的三倍。他們可以放心他們的知識產權將會受到保護。我們擁有透明的法院系統，可以要求契約得到履行。
Our deficit is down more than 50 percent as a share of the economy since we took office. Household wealth -- over $17 trillion in household wealth was lost in the Great Recession we inherited. It’s all back. We’re producing more energy from all sources. We now have over 100 years’ supply of natural gas that would enable us to meet every single need we have in America -- energy need for the next 100 years. We’re the largest natural gas producer in the world -- another reason why companies are coming back. The cost is a third to a fifth of what it is around the world.
自從我們上任以來，我國的財政赤字在經濟中所佔的比重下降了50%以上。家庭財富——超過17萬億美元的家庭財富在我們所繼承的大衰退中喪失。但一切都已恢復正常。我們正在利用各種來源生產更多的能源。我們現在擁有100多年供應量的天然氣儲備，將使我們能夠滿足我們在美國每一個方面的需求——未來100年的能源需求。我們是世界上最大的天然氣生產國——這是美國公司遷回美的另一個原因。這方面的成本是全世界的三分之一到五分之一。
We are prepared to help other countries as well. Our oil imports are the lowest they’ve been in the last 20 years. And I believe -- if my colleagues from abroad will forgive me, I believe we remain the most innovative country in the world.
我們也準備幫助其他國家。我們的石油進口達到過去20年來的最低水平。我相信——希望國外的同仁不認爲我失敬，我相信我國仍是全世界創新能力最強的國家。
But I also think, folks, that the rest of the world understands why this is happening, and it’s not just the good fortune of having shale gas or having two oceans, et cetera. I think it’s because of the enduring strength of our people and of our system. For all our difficulty in education for our children, they’re still taught to challenge orthodoxy. No one in America is diminished or punished for challenging orthodoxy.
諸位，但是我也認爲，世界其他國家和地區都瞭解這種情況發生的原因，這並非只是因爲擁有頁岩氣或比鄰兩大洋等好運。我認爲，這歸功於我國人民和我國體制經久不衰的實力。雖然我們在教育孩子方面遇到各種困難，但是他們仍受到有關挑戰正統的教導。在美國，沒有人會因爲挑戰正統受到貶低或處罰。
It’s the only way there can be a breakthrough, is to challenge orthodoxy -- where competition is fair; where people have a right to express their views, practice their religion, and decide their future. These are universal values. They’re not unique to Americans. I believe there is no Asian exception to the universal desire for freedom.
挑戰正統是實現突破的唯一途徑——在公平競爭的條件下；人們有權表達自己的觀點，從事宗教活動和決定自己的未來。這些都是普世價值，並非美國人所獨有的。我相信，對於獲得自由的普遍願望，亞洲人民絕對不是例外。
And the issues that young people are seized with all across Asia and the world -- corruption, land rights, pollution, food and product safety -- these are all fundamentally linked to openness and transparency, to greater rights and freedom.
亞洲和全世界年輕人共同面臨的諸多問題——腐敗、土地權、污染、食品和產品安全問題——從根本上都關係到公開性和透明度，關係到更多的權利和自由。
In my humble opinion, no nation has to adopt the exact system we have. That’s not what I’m suggesting at all. But it’s awful hard to be innovative where you can’t breathe free. It’s awful hard to make significant technological breakthroughs where orthodoxy is the norm.
依我個人的淺見，沒有哪一個國家必須一成不變地採納我們的體制。這完全不是我所建議的。但是，在無法自由呼吸的地方，創造力很難得到發揮。在正統獨攬天下的環境下，重大的技術突破很難得到實現。
In my humble opinion, the very things that made us such a prosperous, innovative and resilient nation -- our openness, our free exchange of ideas, free enterprise and liberty -- all of which have their downsides, as we’ve recently seen in Boston and other places -- they have downsides -- but we would not trade them for all the world.
依我個人的淺見，使我國繁榮昌盛、富於創新精神和獲得蓬勃生機的基本根源在於我們的開放性、思想的自由交流、自由企業和自由權——所有這一切都有一定的負面效應，例如我們最近在波士頓和其他地方看到的情況——都有一定的負面效應——但是我們無論如何不會爲此捨本求末。
Presumptuous for me to say, because you never tell another leader what’s in their interest, never tell another country what they should do. But I believe these elements are the fundamental ingredients for success for any nation in the 21st century.
恕我冒昧，因爲你永遠不可以對另一位領導人說哪些符合其本身的利益，永遠不可以對另一個國家說應該做什麼，但我相信，這些是21世紀任何國家取得成功的根本要素。
There was that famous line by the founder of Apple, when asked at Stanford, what do I have to do to be more like you? And his response was, think different. You can only think different where you can think freely, where you can breathe free air.
蘋果公司創始人在斯坦福大學發表演講時，曾有人提問說，我應該怎麼做才能更像你？他的回答已經成爲名言。他說，換一個方式思考。你需要能夠自由思考，需能夠自由呼吸，才能換一個方式思考。
So let me conclude by saying we see, as Neera said, this is not a zero-sum game. It’s overwhelmingly in our interest that India continues to grow. It’s overwhelmingly in our interest that China grows. It’s overwhelmingly in our interest that the world economy grow. Because we believe Asia’s success is fundamentally linked to ours.
因此我最後要說的是，我們看到，正如尼拉所說，這不是零和遊戲。印度繼續增長符合我們廣泛的整體利益。中國繼續增長符合我們廣泛的整體利益。世界經濟持續增長符合我們廣泛的整體利益。因爲我們相信，從根本上說，亞洲的成功與我們的成功息息相關。
So the President and I are going to continue to reach across the ocean, both east and west, particularly to the indispensable Pacific nations, to help us shape a prosperous future, for America, for their people, and I would argue for the world.
因此，奧巴馬總統和我將繼續跨越大洋，向東西兩個方向，尤其是與不可缺席的太平洋國家發展聯繫，幫助我們爲美國、爲它們的人民，我還可以說，也爲全世界開創繁榮的未來。
Thank you all for being so gracious and listening. Thank you. (Applause.)
非常感謝諸位如此耐心地聽完這次講話。謝謝你們。（掌聲）
