阿拉伯世界應加入抗擊ISIS
The lack of reaction from the Arab and wider Muslim world after the terrorist attacks in Paris and Beirut is both shameful and unfortunate. The US-led coalition to fight Isis in Iraq and Syria is reeling from desertions by Arab states that have increasingly found excuses not to take part in military actions against the Islamist militant group, even though some of their own capitals have been targets.
在巴黎和貝魯特恐怖襲擊發生後，阿拉伯乃至整個穆斯林世界沒有做出反應，這既可恥又遺憾。儘管一些阿拉伯國家自己的首都已經成爲“伊拉克和黎凡特伊斯蘭國”(ISIS)攻擊的目標，但阿拉伯國家越來越多地找藉口退出了針對ISIS的軍事打擊行動，被它們撇下的以美國爲首在伊拉克和敘利亞打擊ISIS的聯盟越來越難以支撐。
The Paris aftermath has led in the west to an excess of discussion on military and political policy on Iraq and Syria, how to deal with the Syrian leadership and how to cope with the refugee crisis. Yet in the Arab world there has been little policy reassessment or debate.
在西方，巴黎遭遇恐襲促使人們就對伊拉克和敘利亞的軍事和政治政策、如何處理敘利亞領導層、以及如何應對難民危機等問題，展開了無休無止的討論。不過，在阿拉伯世界裏，人們幾乎沒有對相關政策進行重新評估或辯論。
International pressure is mounting on the Arab states. Anwar Gargash, the United Arab Emirates minister for foreign affairs, was quoted on Monday by the official WAM agency as saying that the UAE would “participate in any international effort demanding a ground intervention to fight terrorism” in Syria. But unless western nations galvanise the states into action and their governments to act more responsibly over the crisis in the Middle East, the situation across the Muslim world will become increasingly dangerous. Isis is already killing far beyond its heartland — most recently in Afghanistan and Bangladesh.
阿拉伯國家面臨的國際壓力日益增加。阿聯酋官媒阿聯酋通訊社(WAM)不久前援引阿聯酋外交事務國務部長安瓦爾慍爾卡什(Anwar Gargash)的話稱，阿聯酋將在敘利亞“參與任何需要地面干預的打擊恐怖主義的國際努力”。但是除非西方國家促使阿拉伯國家行動起來、同時在中東危機問題上更負責任地行事，否則整個穆斯林世界的局勢將越來越危險。ISIS的屠刀已經伸到了距離其中心地帶很遠的地方，最新遭殃的是阿富汗和孟加拉國。
After Paris, there have been no urgent meetings of the Arab League or the Organization of the Islamic Conference — the premier Arab and Muslim policymaking groups. There have been no united calls to combat and defeat Isis, while individual states have excused themselves from taking any action.
在巴黎事件發生後，阿拉伯國家聯盟(Arab League)和伊斯蘭合作組織(Organization of the Islamic Conference)——阿拉伯和穆斯林政策制定最高組織——沒有召開任何緊急會議。也沒有任何關於抗擊和擊敗ISIS的聯合呼籲，個別國家還容許自己不採取任何行動。
The UAE and Saudi Arabia long ago stopped bombing Isis targets in Iraq and Syria, claiming that they were too busy with Yemen — where the conflict is localised rather than a regional threat. (Remember the smiling face of the UAE female fighter pilot who took part in the first bombing runs of the coalition earlier this year? Well, that participation has ended.) Bahrain is too busy battling its own majority Shia population. In November, at a conference in the Gulf, officials from numerous Gulf states told me that they considered the Iranian threat far more serious than that posed by Isis. For Iran, read the presumed Shia threat, even though all the Gulf states have some Shia population. Last month’s suicide attacks in Paris, Beirut and Tunis and the bomb placed aboard a Russian airliner in Egypt have done nothing to change that analysis.
阿聯酋和沙特阿拉伯早已停止了在伊拉克和敘利亞轟炸ISIS目標的行動，聲稱它們忙於處理也門問題，但也門衝突僅侷限於當地、不構成區域性威脅。（還記得今年早些時候，參與了首輪聯合轟炸行動的那位阿聯酋女戰鬥機飛行員微笑的臉嗎？嗯，此類參與已經結束。）巴林忙於打擊佔其人口多數的什葉派。11月，在海灣地區的一次會議上，來自無數海灣國家的官員告訴我，他們認爲伊朗構成的威脅比ISIS嚴重得多。他們口中伊朗構成的威脅，其實就是什葉派構成的所謂威脅——儘管所有的海灣國家都有一些什葉派人口。發生在巴黎、貝魯特和突尼斯的自殺性襲擊，以及置於埃及境內俄羅斯客機上的炸彈，都沒能改變這一結論。
Iran certainly has been predatory in the Middle East, creating Shia militias and opposition groups in Lebanon and Iraq and funding groups opposed to the royal families of Saudi and Bahrain, according to their governments. But it is not now trying to bomb every Arab city, seize Arab oil or kill off every ruling family, as Isis would like to do.
據相關政府的說法，伊朗在中東無疑一直處於攻勢，在黎巴嫩和伊拉克創建了什葉派民兵組織和反對派團體，還爲反對沙特和巴林王室的團體提供資金。但是眼下伊朗並未試圖轟炸每一座阿拉伯城市、攫取阿拉伯地區的石油和殺光每一個執政家族，是ISIS想要這樣幹。
There is deep, misplaced suspicion among Arab states that after the nuclear deal with the US, Washington is trying to leverage Iran into playing a major security role in the Gulf, displacing the Arabs — even though Iran does not have the capability to do so and the US’s current oil-rich allies are far more valuable than an unknown quantity such as Iran.
阿拉伯國家存在一種根深蒂固的錯誤懷疑，認爲在伊朗與美國簽訂核協議後，華盛頓正試圖讓伊朗在海灣地區扮演重要的安全角色，取代阿拉伯國家——儘管伊朗沒有這樣的能力，而且美國眼下這些石油資源豐富的盟友比伊朗這樣的未知數要有價值得多。
The wealthy Arab states also cannot agree on who to finance and arm among the myriad Syrian groups, causing competition among them. Nor have they provided enough funding for UN and other aid organisations operations in the refugee crisis that erupted in Turkey, Jordan and Lebanon and has now spread to Europe. While the Europeans debate how many refugees to take in, the wealthy Gulf states have yet to agree to rehabilitate any Syrian or Iraqi refugees.
關於在衆多敘利亞組織中資助和武裝誰，富裕的阿拉伯國家也無法達成一致，導致這些組織相互競爭。對於在土耳其、約旦和黎巴嫩爆發，如今擴散至歐洲的難民危機，他們也沒有爲聯合國和其他援助組織的行動提供足夠資金。在歐洲人討論該接納多少難民的時候，富裕的海灣國家還尚未同意安置任何敘利亞和伊拉克難民。
The struggle against Isis has to be Arab-led and Arab-fought, although doubtless with US and European backing. Politically, it must present an Arab face to win the ideological battle against Isis. After the disastrous US occupation of Iraq, Arab leaders are well aware that the more the US increases its exposure in the Middle East, the greater the anti-American feeling in the region, and the more difficult it becomes to gain support for action from a reluctant White House and Congress.
抗擊ISIS的鬥爭必須由阿拉伯人領導、由阿拉伯人來打，雖然無疑也得有美國和歐洲的支持。從政治角度而言，要打贏抗擊ISIS的意識形態戰，這場鬥爭必須是阿拉伯人的鬥爭。有了美國佔領伊拉克的前車之鑑，阿拉伯領導人很清楚美國在中東露面越多，該地區的反美情緒就越高漲，而他們的行動也越難得到不情願的白宮和美國國會的支持。
The 21-nation talks in Vienna led by the Americans to decide on a common policy towards Syria and the future of President Bashar al-Assad have offered the first real opportunity in five years of mayhem in the country for all parties to achieve common policy goals. But the Vienna talks cannot succeed unless the Arab states show determination and unity. Sunni and Shia must fight together, not each other.
21個國家在維也納舉行的談判，首次給陷入混亂長達5年的伊朗帶來了真正的機會，使各方可以實現共同的政策目標。該談判由美國人主導，旨在決定對敘利亞的共同政策以及未來如何處置敘利亞總統巴沙爾阿薩德(Bashar al-Assad)。但是，除非阿拉伯國家表現出決心和團結，維也納談判無法成功。遜尼派和什葉派必須共同作戰，而不能互掐。
