奧巴馬俄羅斯畢業典禮演講

奧巴馬在俄羅斯發表演講 喊話意味十足

美國總統奧巴馬7日在莫斯科發表演講時表示，俄羅斯必須尊重格魯吉亞和烏克蘭的主權，在伊朗和朝鮮的核計劃問題上也應與國際社會進行合作。

“國際主權應該是國際秩序的奠基石，” 奧巴馬在莫斯科新經濟學院發表演講時稱，就像所有國家都應該有權選擇他們的領導人一樣，各國也有權鞏固邊防和制定他們的外交政策。

“任何捨棄這些權利的組織系統都將走向混亂。這些原則應該運用到所有的國家——其中包括格魯吉亞和烏克蘭。”

而在關於伊朗和朝鮮的核問題上，奧巴馬說美國和俄羅斯都不會在他們的核軍備競爭中獲益，希望俄羅斯能與美國一起阻止朝鮮和伊朗發展核武器，並在相關問題上進行合作。

2009年7月7日奧巴馬在俄羅斯新經濟學院畢業典禮的演講（中英對照）

REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT AT THE NEW ECONOMIC SCHOOL GRADUATION
Gostinny Dvor
Moscow, Russia
July 7, 2009

美國總統奧巴馬在俄羅斯新經濟學院畢業典禮上的演講
Gostinny Dvor 會展中心
俄羅斯,莫斯科
2009年7月7日

Thank you so much. Well, congratulations, Oxana. And to the entire Class of 2009, congratulations to you. I don't know if anybody else will meet their future wife or husband in class like I did, but I'm sure that you're all going to have wonderful careers.
多謝大家。祝賀你，奧科薩納(Oxana)。2009屆全體同學，祝賀你們。我不知道是否還有其他人像我一樣在同窗讀書時遇到未來的妻子或丈夫，不過我肯定你們都會有美好的前途。

I want to acknowledge a few people who are here. We have President Mikhail Gorbachev is here today, and I want everybody to give him a big round of applause. (Applause.) I want to thank Sergei Gurief, Director of the New Economic School. (Applause.) Max Boiko, their Chairman of the Board. (Applause.) And Arkady Dvorkovich, who is the NES board member, President of the Alumni Association and is doing an excellent job for President Medvedev, because he was in our meeting yesterday. (Applause.)
我希望向在場的幾位致謝。蒞會的有米哈伊爾·戈爾巴喬夫(Mikhail Gorbachev)總統，我希望大家給予他熱烈的掌聲。(掌聲) 我感謝新經濟學院院長謝爾蓋·古裏埃夫(Sergei Gurief)。(掌聲) 學院董事會主席馬克斯·博伊科(Max Boiko) 。 (掌聲) 學院董事會成員兼校友會會長阿爾卡季·德沃科維奇(Arkady Dvorkovich)，他正以出色的表現爲梅德韋傑夫(Medvedev)總統工作，他昨天還出席了我們的會談。(掌聲)

Good morning. It is a great honor for me to join you at the New Economic School. Michelle and I are so pleased to be in Moscow. And as somebody who was born in Hawaii, I'm glad to be here in July instead of January. (Laughter and applause.)
早上好。我非常榮幸能參加新經濟學院的這次活動。米歇爾和我來到莫斯科，感到十分高興。作爲出生在夏威夷的人，我感到高興的是能在7月而不是1月份來到這裏。(笑聲和掌聲)I know that NES is a young school, but I speak to you today with deep respect for Russia's timeless heritage. Russian writers have helped us understand the complexity of the human experience, and recognize eternal truths. Russian painters, composers, and dancers have introduced us to new forms of beauty. Russian scientists have cured disease, sought new frontiers of progress, and helped us go to space.
我知道，新經濟學院是一個年輕的院校，但今天我心懷對俄羅斯不朽的傳統的高度敬重之情對你們發表講話。俄羅斯作家幫助我們瞭解人生的紛繁複雜，認識到永恆的真理。俄羅斯畫家、作曲家和舞蹈家使我們領略到了美的新形式。俄羅斯科學家治癒了疾病，開拓了新的發展領域，幫助人們飛向太空。

These are contributions that are not contained by Russia's borders, as vast as those borders are. Indeed, Russia's heritage has touched every corner of the world, and speaks to the humanity that we share. That includes my own country, which has been blessed with Russian immigrants for decades; we've been enriched by Russian culture, and enhanced by Russian cooperation. And as a resident of Washington, D.C., I continue to benefit from the contributions of Russians -- specifically, from Alexander Ovechkin. We're very pleased to have him in Washington, D.C. (Applause.)
儘管俄羅斯幅員遼闊，但這些貢獻並未侷限在俄羅斯疆界之內。毫無疑問，俄羅斯的傳統已傳播到世界每一個角落，激發了我們共有的人性。其中也包括我自己的國家，幾十年來因俄羅斯移民獲益良多；我國獲得俄羅斯文化的豐富營養，也因與俄羅斯的合作得到發展。作爲首都華盛頓哥倫比亞特區的居民，我繼續獲得俄羅斯人的貢獻帶來的惠益──特別是因爲亞力山大·奧韋奇金(Alexander Ovechkin)。他住在華盛頓哥倫比亞特區，我們非常高興。(掌聲)

Here at NES, you have inherited this great cultural legacy, but your focus on economics is no less fundamental to the future of humanity. As Pushkin said, "Inspiration is needed in geometry just as much as poetry." And today, I want particularly to speak to those of you preparing to graduate. You're poised to be leaders in academia and industry; in finance and government. But before you move forward, it's worth reflecting on what has already taken place during your young lives.
在新經濟學院，你們繼承了這個偉大的文化傳統。你們儘管以經濟爲重點，但對人類的未來也同樣至關重要。正如普希金所說，“靈感對於幾何學，如同靈感對於詩歌一樣必不可少。” 今天，我特別希望對即將畢業的同學說一些話。你們即將成爲學術界和工業界的領軍人，成爲金融界和政界的主力。然而，在你們邁出這一步之前，有必要回顧在你們成長期間發生的歷史。

Like President Medvedev and myself, you're not old enough to have witnessed the darkest hours of the Cold War, when hydrogen bombs were tested in the atmosphere, and children drilled in fallout shelters, and we reached the brink of nuclear catastrophe. But you are the last generation born when the world was divided. At that time, the American and Soviet armies were still massed in Europe, trained and ready to fight. The ideological trenches of the last century were roughly in place. Competition in everything from astrophysics to athletics was treated as a zero-sum game. If one person won, then the other person had to lose.
如同梅德韋傑夫總統和我一樣，你們當時年紀尚幼，未能親歷冷戰最黑暗的年代，那時在大氣層試爆了氫彈，孩子們進入防空洞參加演習，我們曾經走到核災難的邊緣。你們是全世界壁壘分明的時期出生的最後一代人。當年，美國軍隊和蘇聯軍隊仍在歐洲集結、訓練並準備交戰。上一個世紀意識形態的壁壘大致依舊。從天體物理學到體育運動，相互間的競賽往往被視爲你死我活的爭鬥。一方獲勝，另一方必失。

And then, within a few short years, the world as it was ceased to be. Now, make no mistake: This change did not come from any one nation. The Cold War reached a conclusion because of the actions of many nations over many years, and because the people of Russia and Eastern Europe stood up and decided that its end would be peaceful.
此後短短几年時間，世界不復以往。如今毫無疑問的是：這個變革並非由任何一個單獨的國家引發。由於無數國家多少年來採取的行動，由於俄羅斯和東歐人民挺身而出，決心以和平方式告別過去，冷戰從此宣告結束。

With the end of the Cold War, there were extraordinary expectations -- for peace and for prosperity; for new arrangements among nations, and new opportunities for individuals. Like all periods of great change, it was a time of ambitious plans and endless possibilities. But, of course, things don't always work out exactly as planned. Back in 1993, shortly after this school opened, one NES student summed up the difficulty of change when he told a reporter, and I quote him: "The real world is not so rational as on paper." The real world is not so rational as on paper.
隨着冷戰的結束，人們產生種種殷切的期待── 希望實現和平與繁榮；建立國家間的新秩序，以及爲個人提供新機會。如同所有巨大變革的時期一樣，這是一個大展宏圖的時代，一個充滿無限機會的時代。然而， 任何事物都不可能時時一帆風順，事事如人心願。1993年，貴校成立後不久，新經濟學院一位學生在接受記者採訪時概括了改革的艱難。他說道：“現實的世界並不像書本上那樣理性。”現實的世界並不像書本上那樣理性。

Over two tumultuous decades, that truth has been borne out around the world. Great wealth has been created, but it has not eliminated vast pockets of crushing poverty. Poverty exists here, it exists in the United States, and it exists all around the world. More people have gone to the ballot box, but too many governments still fail to protect the rights of their people. Ideological struggles have diminished, but they've been replaced by conflicts over tribe and ethnicity and religion. A human being with a computer can hold the same amount of information stored in the Russian State Library, but that technology can also be used to do great harm.
在過去動盪的20年中，這種說法的正確性在全世界得到證實。雖然創造出鉅額財富，但它並未消除遍佈四方的極度貧困。貧困在這裏存在，在美國存在，在全世界存在。有更多的人蔘加了投票，但仍有太多國家的政府仍舊未能保護本國人民的權利。意識形態的鬥爭逐漸減少，但代之而起的是部落、種族和宗教衝突。一個擁有電腦的人可以擁有與俄羅斯國家圖書館（Russian State Library）等量的信息，但這種技術也可被用於製造嚴重傷害。In a new Russia, the disappearance of old political and economic restrictions after the end of the Soviet Union brought both opportunity and hardship. A few prospered, but many more did not. There were tough times. But the Russian people showed strength and made sacrifices, and you achieved hard-earned progress through a growing economy and greater confidence. And despite painful times, many in Eastern Europe and Russia are much better off today than 20 years ago.
在新俄羅斯，舊的政治與經濟束縛隨着蘇聯的解體而消失，這既帶來機遇，也造成困苦。一些人致富了，但更多的人沒有。曾有過艱難的時期。但俄羅斯人民顯示了堅韌不拔的力量，作出了犧牲，通過經濟增長取得了來之不易的進步，並且增強了信心。儘管經歷了痛苦，但東歐和俄羅斯很多人的生活比20年前大大改善。

We see that progress here at NES -- a school founded with Western support that is now distinctly Russian; a place of learning and inquiry where the test of an idea is not whether it is Russian or American or European, but whether it works. Above all, we see that progress in all of you -- young people with a young century to shape as you see fit.
我們在這裏——在新經濟學院，看到了這種進步。這個在西方支持下成立的學院如今具有鮮明的俄羅斯特色，成爲從事研究與探索的學府；在這裏，檢驗一個理念的標準不在於它是俄羅斯的、美國的、還是歐洲的，而是看它是否行得通。最重要的是，我們從你們所有人——將按自己的意願去塑造一個年輕世紀的年輕人——身上看到這種進步。

Your lifetime coincides with this era of transition. But think about the fundamental questions asked when this school was founded. What kind of future is Russia going to have? What kind of future are Russia and America going to have together? What world order will replace the Cold War? Those questions still don't have clear answers, and so now they must be answered by you -- by your generation in Russia, in America, and around the world. You get to decide. And while I cannot answer those questions for you, I can speak plainly about the future that America is seeking.
你們恰恰生活在這個轉變的時代。想一想在這個學院剛成立時所提出的一些基本問題：俄羅斯將有什麼樣的未來？俄羅斯和美國將有什麼樣的共同未來？會有什麼樣的世界秩序取代冷戰？對這些問題仍然沒有明確的答案，因此它們必須由你們來回答——由在俄羅斯、美國和全世界的你們這一代人來回答。決定將由你們作出。雖然我無法替你們回答這些問題，但我可以明瞭地談一談美國正在尋求的未來。

To begin with, let me be clear: America wants a strong, peaceful, and prosperous Russia. This belief is rooted in our respect for the Russian people, and a shared history between our nations that goes beyond competition. Despite our past rivalry, our people were allies in the greatest struggle of the last century. Recently, I noted this when I was in Normandy -- for just as men from Boston and Birmingham risked all that they had to storm those beaches and scale those cliffs, Soviet soldiers from places like Kazan and Kiev endured unimaginable hardships to repeal -- to repel an invasion, and turn the tide in the east. As President John Kennedy said, "No nation in history of battle ever suffered more than the Soviet Union in the Second World War."
首先，我要清楚表明：美國希望有一個強大、和平和繁榮的俄羅斯。這一信念植根於我們對俄羅斯人民的尊敬以及兩國間超越競爭關係的共同歷史。儘管兩國曾互爲對手，但兩國人民在上一世紀最偉大的鬥爭中互爲聯盟。最近，我在諾曼底（Normandy）時曾指出這一點：如同來自波士頓和伯明翰的戰士奮不顧身攻上海灘、登上懸崖一樣，來自喀山（Kazan）、基輔（Kiev）等地的蘇聯士兵忍受了難以想象的艱難困苦，取消了——擊退了入侵，在東線扭轉了局勢。誠如約翰?肯尼迪（John Kennedy）總統所說，“在戰爭史上，任何國家都不曾遭受過蘇聯在二次世界大戰中所遭受的那種苦難。”

So as we honor this past, we also recognize the future benefit that will come from a strong and vibrant Russia. Think of the issues that will define your lives: security from nuclear weapons and extremism; access to markets and opportunity; health and the environment; an international system that protects sovereignty and human rights, while promoting stability and prosperity. These challenges demand global partnership, and that partnership will be stronger if Russia occupies its rightful place as a great power.
因此，在銘記這一歷史的同時，我們也認識到一個強大、富有生機的俄羅斯對未來的有益作用。想一想這些將決定你們生活的問題：不受核武器和極端主義傷害；市場準入和機會；衛生與環境；保護國家主權與人權並促進穩定與繁榮的國際體系。應對這些挑戰必須靠全球合作，如果俄羅斯佔在它應有的大國位置上，這種合作關係會更爲有力。

Yet unfortunately, there is sometimes a sense that old assumptions must prevail, old ways of thinking; a conception of power that is rooted in the past rather than in the future. There is the 20th century view that the United States and Russia are destined to be antagonists, and that a strong Russia or a strong America can only assert themselves in opposition to one another. And there is a 19th century view that we are destined to vie for spheres of influence, and that great powers must forge competing blocs to balance one another.
但是，令人遺憾的是，有時存在着一種感覺，認爲昔日的設想，過去的思維方式一定佔上風；一種基於過去而非基於未來的實力觀。有一種20世紀的觀念，認爲美國與俄羅斯註定互爲對手，認爲一個強大的俄羅斯或強大的美國惟有在相互對立中才可顯示自己的威力。還有一種19世紀的觀念，認爲我們註定要爭奪勢力範圍，認爲大國只有形成相互爭奪的集團，纔可達到平衡。

These assumptions are wrong. In 2009, a great power does not show strength by dominating or demonizing other countries. The days when empires could treat sovereign states as pieces on a chess board are over. As I said in Cairo, given our independence, any world order that -- given our interdependence, any world order that tries to elevate one nation or one group of people over another will inevitably fail. The pursuit of power is no longer a zero-sum game -- progress must be shared.
這些設想都是錯誤的。在2009年，一個強國不是靠控制或妖魔化其他國家顯示實力。帝國可以將主權國家當棋盤上的棋子擺佈的時代已經結束。如我在開羅所說，鑑於我們的獨立，任何世界秩序——鑑於我們的相互依存，任何企圖使一個國家或一個羣體凌駕於另一個國家或另一羣體之上的世界秩序必將失敗。尋求實力不再是零和遊戲——進步必須共享。

That's why I have called for a "reset" in relations between the United States and Russia. This must be more than a fresh start between the Kremlin and the White House -- though that is important and I've had excellent discussions with both your President and your Prime Minister. It must be a sustained effort among the American and Russian people to identify mutual interests, and expand dialogue and cooperation that can pave the way to progress.
這就是我呼籲“重啓”美俄關係的理由所在。這決不能僅限於克林姆林宮與白宮關係的新開端——儘管這一點很重要，我與貴國總統和總理分別就此舉行了極好的討論。這必須是美俄兩國人民的持久努力，以明確雙方的共同利益，擴大對話與合作，從而爲取得進步鋪平道路。

This will not be easy. It's difficult to forge a lasting partnership between former adversaries, it's hard to change habits that have been ingrained in our governments and our bureaucracies for decades. But I believe that on the fundamental issues that will shape this century, Americans and Russians share common interests that form a basis for cooperation. It is not for me to define Russia's national interests, but I can tell you about America's national interests, and I believe that you will see that we share common ground.
這不是容易辦到的事。對於以往相互抗衡的對手而言，相互建立持久的夥伴關係有很大的困難，改變我們的政府和官僚機構數十年來形成的根深蒂固的習慣勢力，任務也十分艱鉅。但我相信在決定本世紀走向的基本問題上，美國人民與俄羅斯人民擁有共同的利益，從而提供了合作的基礎。俄羅斯的國家利益用不着我來闡釋，但我可以告訴你們，美國的國家利益是什麼。我相信你們會發現我們擁有共同的基點。First, America has an interest in reversing the spread of nuclear weapons and preventing their use.
首先，逆轉核武器擴散的趨勢，防止核武器的使用，是美國的利益所在。

In the last century, generations of Americans and Russians inherited the power to destroy nations, and the understanding that using that power would bring about our own destruction. In 2009, our inheritance is different. You and I don't have to ask whether American and Russian leaders will respect a balance of terror -- we understand the horrific consequences of any war between our two countries. But we do have to ask this question: We have to ask whether extremists who have killed innocent civilians in New York and in Moscow will show that same restraint. We have to ask whether 10 or 20 or 50 nuclear-armed nations will protect their arsenals and refrain from using them.
上一個世紀，美國和俄羅斯的幾代人繼承了可以毀滅其他國家的力量，同時也認識到使用這種力量也會造成自身的毀滅。2009年，我們傳承的是完全不同的事物。你和我都不必提出這樣的問題：美國和俄羅斯領導人是否將奉行恐怖的均勢──我們瞭解，我們兩國之間發生任何戰爭，都將產生悲慘的結局。但我們確實有必要問這樣一個問題：我們有必要問一問，在紐約和莫斯科殺害無辜平民的極端主義分子會不會表現同樣的剋制。我們有必要問一問，10個、20個，或者50個有核武裝的國家是否會保障本國核武庫的安全並避免使用核武器。

This is the core of the nuclear challenge in the 21st century. The notion that prestige comes from holding these weapons, or that we can protect ourselves by picking and choosing which nations can have these weapons, is an illusion. In the short period since the end of the Cold War, we've already seen India, Pakistan, and North Korea conduct nuclear tests. Without a fundamental change, do any of us truly believe that the next two decades will not bring about the further spread of these nuclear weapons?
這就是21世紀核挑戰的核心問題。認爲擁有這些核武器就能提高自己的地位，或認爲一旦確認和鑑別哪些國家可以擁有這些核武器，我們就能保護自己，都?不切實際的幻想。在冷戰結束後的短時期內，我們已經看到印度、巴基斯坦和北韓進行了核試驗。如果不發生根本性的變化，我們中間有誰真正相信今後20年不會出現核武器的進一步擴散？

That's why America is committed to stopping nuclear proliferation, and ultimately seeking a world without nuclear weapons. That is consistent with our commitment under the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty. That is our responsibility as the world's two leading nuclear powers. And while I know this goal won't be met soon, pursuing it provides the legal and moral foundation to prevent the proliferation and eventual use of nuclear weapons.
正是出於這個原因，美國堅決要求制止核擴散，最終爭取實現全世界不存在覈武器的目標。這與我們在《不擴散核武器條約》(Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty)中作出的承諾相一致。這是我們作爲全世界兩個核大國需要承擔的責任。儘管我知道這個目標不可能很快實現，但爭取實現這個目標可以爲防止核武器擴散並避免其實際使用提供法律和道義的基礎。

We're already taking important steps to build this foundation. Yesterday, President Medvedev and I made progress on negotiating a new treaty that will substantially reduce our warheads and delivery systems. We renewed our commitment to clean, safe and peaceful nuclear energy, which must be a right for all nations that live up to their responsibilities under the NPT. And we agreed to increase cooperation on nuclear security, which is essential to achieving the goal of securing all vulnerable nuclear material within four years.
我們已經爲奠定這個基礎邁出了重大步伐。昨天，梅德韋傑夫總統和我爲兩國談判達成一項新的條約取得了進展。這個條約將大大減少我們的彈頭和運載系統的數量。我們重申我們致力於核能源的潔淨、安全與和平使用，所有根據《不擴散核武器條約》履行其職責的國家都有權獲得這樣的核能。我們同意加強在覈安全問題上的合作，這對於達到在四年內保障所有危險核材料的安全的目標至關重要。

As we keep our own commitments, we must hold other nations accountable for theirs. Whether America or Russia, neither of us would benefit from a nuclear arms race in East Asia or the Middle East. That's why we should be united in opposing North Korea's efforts to become a nuclear power, and opposing Iran's efforts to acquire a nuclear weapon. And I'm pleased that President Medvedev and I agreed upon a joint threat assessment of the ballistic challenges -- ballistic missile challenges of the 21st century, including from Iran and North Korea.
在我們履行自己的承諾之時，我們還必須使其他國家爲他們做出的承諾負責。不論美國還是俄羅斯，我們兩國都不可能從東亞和中東的核武器競賽中獲益。正是由於這個原因，我們應該共同反對北韓成爲核國家，共同反對伊朗獲得核武器。我感到高興的是，梅德韋傑夫總統和我同意對彈道導彈問題──21世紀彈道導彈構成的挑戰，包括來自伊朗和北韓的威脅──聯合進行威脅評估。

This is not about singling out individual nations -- it's about the responsibilities of all nations. If we fail to stand together, then the NPT and the Security Council will lose credibility, and international law will give way to the law of the jungle. And that benefits no one. As I said in Prague, rules must be binding, violations must be punished, and words must mean something.
此事並非針對個別國家，而是涉及到所有國家的責任。如果我們不能採取共同立場，那麼《不擴散核武器條約》和聯合國安理會的信譽就會喪失殆盡，國際法就會被弱肉強食的法則取代。這對任何人都沒有好處。我曾在布拉格(Prague)表示，規則必須有約束力，違者必罰，言必有信。

The successful enforcement of these rules will remove causes of disagreement. I know Russia opposes the planned configuration for missile defense in Europe. And my administration is reviewing these plans to enhance the security of America, Europe and the world. And I've made it clear that this system is directed at preventing a potential attack from Iran. It has nothing to do with Russia. In fact, I want to work together with Russia on a missile defense architecture that makes us all safer. But if the threat from Iran's nuclear and ballistic missile program is eliminated, the driving force for missile defense in Europe will be eliminated, and that is in our mutual interests.
成功地執行這些規則有助於消除產生分歧的根源。我知道俄羅斯反對在歐洲部署導彈防禦系統的計劃。爲了加強美國、歐洲和全世界的安全，本屆政府正在審議有關計劃。我已明確表示，這個系統的目的在於防止可能來自伊朗的襲擊，與俄羅斯無關。事實上，我希望與俄羅斯在導彈防禦框架的問題上相互合作，從而加強我們大家的安全。但一旦排除了來自伊朗核計劃和彈道導彈計劃的威脅，在歐洲部署導彈防禦系統的驅動力將不再存在。這符合我們的共同利益。

Now, in addition to securing the world's most dangerous weapons, a second area where America has a critical national interest is in isolating and defeating violent extremists.
除了限制全世界最危險的武器之外，美國具有重大國家利益的第二個問題是孤立並戰勝暴力極端主義分子。

For years, al Qaeda and its affiliates have defiled a great religion of peace and justice, and ruthlessly murdered men, women and children of all nationalities and faiths. Indeed, above all, they have murdered Muslims. And these extremists have killed in Amman and Bali; Islamabad and Kabul; and they have the blood of Americans and Russians on their hands. They're plotting to kill more of our people, and they benefit from safe havens that allow them to train and operate -- particularly along the border of Pakistan and Afghanistan.
多年來，"基地"組織及其附庸褻瀆了一個代表和平與正義的偉大宗教，殘酷無情地殺害各種國籍和各種信仰的男子、婦女和兒童。尤其值得注意的是，他們甚至也殺害穆斯林。這些極端主義分子在安曼和巴厘島殺人；在伊斯蘭堡和喀布爾殺人；他們的手上也沾滿美國人和俄羅斯人的血。他們正在密謀殺害我們更多的人民，他們得到一些安全庇護所，在那裏進行訓練和活動──特別是在巴基斯坦和阿富汗邊境地區。

And that's why America has a clear goal: to disrupt, dismantle, and defeat al Qaeda and its allies in Afghanistan and Pakistan. We seek no bases, nor do we want to control these nations. Instead, we want to work with international partners, including Russia, to help Afghans and Pakistanis advance their own security and prosperity. And that's why I'm pleased that Russia has agreed to allow the United States to supply our coalition forces through your territory. Neither America nor Russia has an interest in an Afghanistan or Pakistan governed by the Taliban. It's time to work together on behalf of a different future -- a future in which we leave behind the great game of the past and the conflict of the present; a future in which all of us contribute to the security of Central Asia.
正是因爲如此，美國有一個明確的目標：瓦解、搗毀和擊敗“基地”組織及其在阿富汗和巴基斯坦的同夥。我們不謀求建立基地，也不希望控制這些國家。相反，我們希望與國際夥伴相互合作，其中包括俄羅斯，幫助阿富汗和巴基斯坦促進其安全與繁榮。正是因爲這個原因，我對俄羅斯允許美國經貴國領土爲我們的盟軍運送物資感到高興。無論美國還是俄羅斯，均不希望看到塔利班統治阿富汗或巴基斯坦。現在，我們應該爲實現另一種前途攜手努力 ── 我們不再進行以往的大規模競賽，同時努力解決當前的衝突，讓我們都爲中亞的安全做貢獻。Now, beyond Afghanistan, America is committed to promoting the opportunity that will isolate extremists. We are helping the Iraqi people build a better future, and leaving Iraq to the Iraqis. We're pursuing the goal of two states, Israel and Palestine, living in peace and security. We're partnering with Muslim communities around the world to advance education, health, and economic development. In each of these endeavors, I believe that the Russian people share our goals, and will benefit from success -- and we need to partner together.
現在，在阿富汗之外，美國還致力於爭取更多的機會孤立極端主義分子。我們正在幫助伊拉克人民建設更美好的未來，將伊拉克交由伊拉克人自己治理。我們正在尋求實現以色列和巴勒斯坦兩個國家在和平與安全的環境中共存的目標。我們正在與世界各地的穆斯林進行夥伴合作，以推進教育、衛生和經濟發展。在每一項努力中，我相信俄羅斯人民都與我們有共同的目標，並將從成功中獲益──爲此，我們需要結成夥伴關係。

Now, in addition to these security concerns, the third area that I will discuss is America's interest in global prosperity. And since we have so many economists and future businessmen and women in the room, I know this is of great interest to you.
現在，除了這些安全問題之外，我將談論的第三方面的問題是美國對全球繁榮的關注。 今天有如此衆多的經濟學家和未來的工商界人士在場，我知道這是你們很關心的問題。

We meet in the midst of the worst global recession in a generation. I believe that the free market is the greatest force for creating and distributing wealth that the world has known. But wherever the market is allowed to run rampant -- through excessive risk-taking, a lack of regulation, or corruption -- then all are endangered, whether we live on the Mississippi or on the Volga.
我們在此會見，正值全球陷入這一代人最嚴重的衰退。我認爲，自由市場衆所周知是創造和分配全球財富的最強大的力量。但是，無論在什麼地方，如果市場不受任何約束──因承擔過度的風險，缺乏監管或腐敗──那麼一切都會受到威脅，不論我們居住在密西西比河(Mississippi)流域，還是伏爾加(Volga)河畔。

In America, we're now taking unprecedented steps to jumpstart our economy and reform our system of regulation. But just as no nation can wall itself off from the consequences of a global crisis, no one can serve as the sole engine of global growth. You see, during your lives, something fundamental has changed. And while this crisis has shown us the risks that come with change, that risk is overwhelmed by opportunity.
在美國，我們現在正在採取前所未有的步驟，刺激經濟回升，改革我們的監管體制。但是，如同沒有任何國家能夠在全球危機中獨善其身一樣，沒有任何國家能夠單獨成爲全球發展的動力。你們看，你們生活中發生了某種根本性的變化。雖然這場危機顯示出變化帶來的風險，但是機會遠大於風險。

Think of what's possible today that was unthinkable two decades ago. A young woman with an Internet connection in Bangalore, India can compete with anybody anywhere in the world. An entrepreneur with a start-up company in Beijing can take his business global. An NES professor in Moscow can collaborate with colleagues at Harvard or Stanford. That's good for all of us, because when prosperity is created in India, that's a new market for our goods; when new ideas take hold in China, that pushes our businesses to innovate; when new connections are forged among people, all of us are enriched.
想想有多少在今天可能、而在20年前卻不可思議的事。一位印度班加羅爾（Bangalore）的女青年可以通過互聯網與世界上的任何人競爭。一位在北京創立公司的實業家可以讓生意走向世界。一位在莫斯科的新經濟學院教授可以與哈佛或斯坦福的同行展開合作。這些對我們所有人有益，因爲當印度出現繁榮，我們的商品能有新市場；當新思維在中國紮根，它促使我們的商界創新；當人與人之間建立起新的關係，它豐富開闊了我們所有人。

There is extraordinary potential for increased cooperation between Americans and Russians. We can pursue trade that is free and fair and integrated with the wider world. We can boost investment that creates jobs in both our countries, we can forge partnerships on energy that tap not only traditional resources, like oil and gas, but new sources of energy that will drive growth and combat climate change. All of that, Americans and Russians can do together.
美國人和俄羅斯人之間有着擴大合作的巨大潛能。我們可以發展自由、公平的貿易，與世界更廣大地區融合；我們可以推動投資，給兩國創造就業機會；我們可以在能源領域發展夥伴關係，不僅調動石油和天然氣等傳統資源，而且開發新能源，帶動增長，應對氣候變化。對所有這一切，美國人和俄羅斯人都可以進行合作。

Now, government can promote this cooperation, but ultimately individuals must advance this cooperation, because the greatest resource of any nation in the 21st century is you. It's people; it's young people especially. And the country which taps that resource will be the country that will succeed. That success depends upon economies that function within the rule of law. As President Medvedev has rightly said, a mature and effective legal system is a condition for sustained economic development. People everywhere should have the right to do business or get an education without paying a bribe. Whether they are in America or Russia or Africa or Latin America, that's not a American idea or a Russian idea -- that's how people and countries will succeed in the 21st century.
然而，政府雖能夠倡導這些合作，但最終還要靠每一個人來發展合作，因爲對任何一個國家來說，21世紀的最寶貴資源是你們──是人；特別是年輕人。調動這項資源的國家將是一個成功的國家。而成功要基於在法治中運作的經濟。正如梅德韋傑夫總統所正確指出的，成熟和有效的法律體制是經濟持續發展的條件。人們在任何地方都應享有不靠行賄而經商或求學的權利，無論他們是在美國、在俄羅斯、在非洲、還是在拉丁美洲。這並不是美國的理念或俄羅斯的理念──這是人以及國家在21世紀的成功之路。

And this brings me to the fourth issue that I will discuss -- America's interest in democratic governments that protect the rights of their people.
接下來我準備講述的第四個問題是，保護本國人民權利的民主政府體現了美國的利益。By no means is America perfect. But it is our commitment to certain universal values which allows us to correct our imperfections, to improve constantly, and to grow stronger over time. Freedom of speech and assembly has allowed women, and minorities, and workers to protest for full and equal rights at a time when they were denied. The rule of law and equal administration of justice has busted monopolies, shut down political machines that were corrupt, ended abuses of power. Independent media have exposed corruption at all levels of business and government. Competitive elections allow us to change course and hold our leaders accountable. If our democracy did not advance those rights, then I, as a person of African ancestry, wouldn't be able to address you as an American citizen, much less a President. Because at the time of our founding, I had no rights -- people who looked like me. But it is because of that process that I can now stand before you as President of the United States.
美國並非十全十美。但正是因爲我們堅持某些普遍的價值觀，我們纔有可能彌補不足之處，不斷努力改進，假以時日即可愈益強大。由於倡導言論自由和集會自由，婦女、少數族裔和工人可以在自己的權利被剝奪的時候爲獲得全部的平等權利進行抗爭。由於實行法治和司法平等，壟斷被打破，腐敗的政治機器被關閉，濫用權力的行爲被制止。由於存在獨立的媒體，工商業和政府的各級腐敗行爲被公之於衆。由於採取競選制度，我們可以改弦易轍，責成領導人忠於職守。如果我國的民主沒有發揮促進這些權利的作用，那麼我本人作爲非洲裔的後代，就不可能以美國公民的身份向你們發表講話，更不可能以美國總統的身份站在這裏。在我國建國之初，我還沒有什麼權利——指當年和我類似的人們。但正是因爲經歷了這樣的過程，現在我可以作爲美國總統站在你們面前。

So around the world, America supports these values because they are moral, but also because they work. The arc of history shows that governments which serve their own people survive and thrive; governments which serve only their own power do not. Governments that represent the will of their people are far less likely to descend into failed states, to terrorize their citizens, or to wage war on others. Governments that promote the rule of law, subject their actions to oversight, and allow for independent institutions are more dependable trading partners. And in our own history, democracies have been America's most enduring allies, including those we once waged war with in Europe and Asia -- nations that today live with great security and prosperity.
因此，在世界各地，美國支持這些價值觀，因爲它們是道義的，也因爲它們是有效的。歷史的軌跡顯示，爲民服務的政府生存壯大；爲自身謀利的政府則非如此。代表民意的政府很少會導致國家墮落衰敗或恫嚇公民、挑起戰爭。那些促進法治、接受監督、容許獨立機構的政府是更爲可靠的貿易伙伴。在美國自身歷史上，民主國家一直是我們最持久的同盟，其中包括我們曾與之交戰的歐洲和亞洲國家──這些國家如今享有極大的安全與繁榮。

Now let me be clear: America cannot and should not seek to impose any system of government on any other country, nor would we presume to choose which party or individual should run a country. And we haven't always done what we should have on that front. Even as we meet here today, America supports now the restoration of the democratically-elected President of Honduras, even though he has strongly opposed American policies. We do so not because we agree with him. We do so because we respect the universal principle that people should choose their own leaders, whether they are leaders we agree with or not.
但讓我明確這一點：美國不能夠也不應該謀求將任何政府體制強加於任何國家；我們也不會擅自認爲應該由哪個政黨或個人主管國家。在這方面我們不是一向做得很理想。就在我們在這裏聚會的今天，美國現在支持洪都拉斯民選總統復職，儘管他強烈反對美國的政策。我們這樣做並不是因爲我們贊同他。我們這樣做是因爲我們尊重這樣一個普世原則，即應該由人民選擇他們自己的領導人，無論我們對這些領導人贊同與否。

And that leads me to the final area that I will discuss, which is America's interest in an international system that advances cooperation while respecting the sovereignty of all nations.
由此引到我要討論的最後一個方面，即美國希望看到一個推動合作同時尊重所有國家主權的國際體制。

State sovereignty must be a cornerstone of international order. Just as all states should have the right to choose their leaders, states must have the right to borders that are secure, and to their own foreign policies. That is true for Russia, just as it is true for the United States. Any system that cedes those rights will lead to anarchy. That's why we must apply this principle to all nations -- and that includes nations like Georgia and Ukraine. America will never impose a security arrangement on another country. For any country to become a member of an organization like NATO, for example, a majority of its people must choose to; they must undertake reforms; they must be able to contribute to the Alliance's mission. And let me be clear: NATO should be seeking collaboration with Russia, not confrontation.
國家主權必須是國際秩序的根基。猶如所有國家應該有權選擇自己的領導人一樣，國家也必須有權保障自己邊境的安全和制定自己的外交政策。這包括俄羅斯，也包括美國。任何割讓那些權利的體制都將導致政治混亂。因此，我們必須將這一原則用於所有國家──其中包括像格魯吉亞和烏克蘭這樣的國家。美國將絕不把安全機制強加於另一個國家。例如，任何國家要成爲北約組織的一員都必須是基於其大多數公民的意願；這些國家必須實行改革；它們必須能夠爲北約組織的使命貢獻力量。讓我明確表示：北約應該謀求與俄羅斯的合作，而不是對抗。

And more broadly, we need to foster cooperation and respect among all nations and peoples. As President of the United States, I will work tirelessly to protect America's security and to advance our interests. But no one nation can meet the challenges of the 21st century on its own, nor dictate its terms to the world. That is something that America now understands, just as Russia understands. That's why America seeks an international system that lets nations pursue their interests peacefully, especially when those interests diverge; a system where the universal rights of human beings are respected, and violations of those rights are opposed; a system where we hold ourselves to the same standards that we apply to other nations, with clear rights and responsibilities for all.
在更廣泛的層次上，我們需要增進在所有國家和人民之間的合作與尊重。作爲美國總統，我要不懈地爲維護美國的安全和推進美國的利益而努力。但是，沒有任何一個國家能夠獨自應對21世紀的挑戰或讓世界按自己的意志行事。美國現在認識到這點，俄羅斯也是如此。正因爲如此，美國所尋求的是一個能夠讓各國和平發展自身利益──尤其是當這些利益相異時──的國際體制；一個使普世人權受尊重、踐踏人權行爲受抵制的體制；一個我們將自己和其他國家一視同仁、所有國家都具有明確的權利與責任的體制。

There was a time when Roosevelt, Churchill, and Stalin could shape the world in one meeting. Those days are over. The world is more complex today. Billions of people have found their voice, and seek their own measure of prosperity and self-determination in every corner of the planet. Over the past two decades, we've witnessed markets grow, wealth spread, and technology used to build -- not destroy. We've seen old hatreds pass, illusions of differences between people lift and fade away; we've seen the human destiny in the hands of more and more human beings who can shape their own destinies. Now, we must see that the period of transition which you have lived through ushers in a new era in which nations live in peace, and people realize their aspirations for dignity, security, and a better life for their children. That is America's interest, and I believe that it is Russia's interest as well.
當年羅斯福(Roosevelt)、邱吉爾(Churchill)和斯大林(Stalin)可以通過一次會議改變世界。但那個時代已經結束。今天，全世界的情況更爲複雜。在全球每一個角落，數十億人民已經發出自己的聲音，並尋求以自己的方式實現繁榮和自決。過去20多年來，我們親眼目睹了市場的發達、財富的擴展和利用技術進行建設——不是爲了毀滅。我們看見老一代人的仇恨歸於消泯，人與人之間想像中的差異逐漸淡薄和消逝；我們看見人類的未來掌握在越來越多能夠決定自己命運的人手中。現在，我們應該看見，你們經歷的過渡時期正迎來一個新時代，世界各國可以和平相處，各國人民也可以實現對尊嚴、安全和爲子孫後代改善生活的渴望。這正是美國的利益所在。我相信，這也是俄羅斯的利益所在。

I know that this future can seem distant. Change is hard. In the words of that NES student back in 1993, the real world is not so rational as on paper. But think of the change that has unfolded with the passing of time. One hundred years ago, a czar ruled Russia, and Europe was a place of empire. When I was born, segregation was still the law of the land in parts of America, and my father's Kenya was still a colony. When you were born, a school like this would have been impossible, and the Internet was only known to a privileged few.
我知道，這樣的未來似乎還很遙遠。變革並非輕而易舉。正如新經濟學院的那位學生在1993年所說的，現實的世界並不像書本上那樣理性。但是不妨想一想過去已經發生的變革。一百年前，俄羅斯還在受沙皇的統治。整個歐洲仍然是帝國的天下。我出生的時候，種族隔離在美國部份地區仍屬當地合法的行爲。我父親的原籍肯尼亞(Kenya)還是別國的殖民地。你們剛出生的時候，還不可能建立這樣一個學院，同時只有少數有條件的人知道因特網。

You get to decide what comes next. You get to choose where change will take us, because the future does not belong to those who gather armies on a field of battle or bury missiles in the ground; the future belongs to young people with an education and the imagination to create. That is the source of power in this century. And given all that has happened in your two decades on Earth, just imagine what you can create in the years to come.
你們必須確定下一步怎麼走。你們必須選擇變革引導我們前進的方向，因爲未來不屬於在戰場上調兵遣將的人，也不屬於在地面上安置導彈的人；未來屬於有教養的、充滿想象力開創新天地的年輕一代。這纔是這個世紀力量的源泉。考慮到你們這一代20多年來全世界發生的一切變化，不妨想一想你們在今後的年代可以有哪些開創性的作爲。

Every country charts its own course. Russia has cut its way through time like a mighty river through a canyon, leaving an indelible mark on human history as it goes. As you move this story forward, look to the future that can be built if we refuse to be burdened by the old obstacles and old suspicions; look to the future that can be built if we partner on behalf of the aspirations we hold in common. Together, we can build a world where people are protected, prosperity is enlarged, and our power truly serves progress. And it is all in your hands. Good luck to all of you. Thank you very much. (Applause.)
每一個國家都需要規劃本國的道路。俄羅斯已經走過了歲月的征程，正如一條洶涌澎湃的大河穿越深深的峽谷，在身後留下了人類歷史不可磨滅的印記。在你們繼續奮進的道路上展望遠大前程，只要我們拋棄歷史的障礙和疑慮，不再揹負沉重的包袱；展望遠大前程，╗要我們爲了實現共同的願望相互合作。我們如果攜手共進，完全可以建成能夠保護人民，拓展繁榮和真正運用我們的實力不斷進步的世界。願上帝保佑你們大家一切順利。多謝諸位。(掌聲)