我無法對特朗普當選保持平靜
Calm down dear my fellow interviewee instructed me on BBC Newsnight when.
平靜些，親愛的，和我一起在BBC《新聞之夜》(Newsnight)中接受採訪的女士開導我。
A day after the US election I dialled the vehemence up to 11.
那是在美國大選的次日，我情緒激昂。
I paid her no heed.
我沒有聽她的建議。
Calming down is always the medicine prescribed to the losers by the winners lest their self-congratulation be inconvenienced by opposition.
平靜下來一直是贏家開給輸家的處方，以免自己的沾沾自喜被反對者攪亂。
But bowing to the judgment of the polls does not entail a suspension of dissent, especially, when, as in this case, the election involves shameless suppression of votes, the politicisation of the FBI and the cyber-interference of the Russians.
但是服從投票結果並不意味着壓制異見，特別是像這次，選舉涉及無恥的抑制選票、美國聯邦調查局(FBI)政治化以及俄羅斯網絡干預。
If cherishing democracy mandates acceptance of the poll, it also presupposes the right to opposition.
如果說珍惜民主體制意味着接受投票結果，那麼這一點也預設了反對的權利。
And when that opposition is demonised as disloyal it needs to raise its voice.
而當反對方被妖魔化爲不忠時，它需要更大聲地發表意見。
There is, after all, much to get noisy about.
畢竟，當今有很多值得爭辯的地方。
Weirdly, the American public that has awarded the outgoing president a popularity rating of 56 per cent has also elected someone who intends to delete the entirety of the Obama presidency.
弔詭的是，美國民衆賦予了即將離任的總統56%的支持率，卻選出了一位打算刪掉奧巴馬總統任期全部政治遺產的人。
Now that Republicans control the White House and both houses of Congress, Mr Trump will have a free hand to repeal the Affordable Care Act (depriving millions of Americans of insurance),
由於共和黨控制了白宮和參衆兩院，特朗普將可以放手廢除《平價醫療法》(Affordable Care Act)（剝奪成百上千萬美國人的醫保）、
fashion a Supreme Court to overthrow the Roe v Wade ruling on abortion, repudiate the Paris climate change accord, abandon the Iran nuclear agreement and get rid of the Dodd-Frank bank regulation designed to prevent a repeat of the conduct that brought on the Great Recession.
改組最高法院(Supreme Court)以推翻羅伊訴韋德案(Roe v. Wade)中對墮胎合法化的裁決、退出巴黎氣候變化協定、拋棄伊朗核協議、並且廢止旨在防止大衰退重演的銀行監管規則——《多德-弗蘭克法》(Dodd-Frank Act)。
It is said that Mr Trump’s slash-and-burn instincts will be moderated by experienced counsellors — they won’t.
有人說，特朗普的任性本能將被經驗豐富的顧問們調和——這不可能。
He did it His Way and the doubters and fence-sitters will all be replaced by dependable sycophants.
特朗普靠着我行我素入主白宮，懷疑者和觀望者將被可信賴的奉承者取代。
Knowing that his appeal to the voters was all about big-boy attitude, Mr Trump will make this a presidency of I Alone Can Fix It.
知道了他對選民的吸引力就在於老大態度後，特朗普將使只有我自己可以搞定成爲他的總統任期的標誌。
Doubtless the speechwriters are even now penning an inaugural address featuring the usual bromides about overcoming division.
毫無疑問，演講稿撰寫人現在就在撰寫一份克服分歧之類的就職演說。
Coming from someone who knows perfectly well that the way he separated himself from the pack was to throw the red meat of abuse to the crowd, turning Hillary Clinton into a felon, this will be a bad joke.
這樣的套話出自一個深知讓自己脫穎而出的手段就是把辱罵的紅肉扔給衆人，把希拉里•克林頓(Hillary Clinton)說成重罪犯的人，簡直是一個蹩腳的笑話。
The lingering effects of his malignant, incendiary rhetoric will not be dispelled by a sudden show of Kumbaya.
特朗普惡毒、煽動性言論的遺留影響，不會因其突然演唱《康巴亞》（Kumbaya，美國的傳統宗教歌曲——譯者注）而消除。
They will hang in the political climate like toxic fog, not least because he knows that should he fail to deliver on his countless undeliverable promises, he can always fire up the zealots with another round of scapegoating against the usual suspects: the international conspiracy of banks and media and the city elites accused of talking down to regular folk and sneering at the American dream.
它們將像毒霧一樣漂浮在政治氣氛中，特別是因爲他知道，一旦他作出的無數沒法兌現的承諾落空了，他總可以再遷怒於通常的嫌疑人——銀行和媒體的國際陰謀，以及被指責貶低普通民衆並嘲諷美國夢的城市精英，從而煽動狂熱者。
These have been the bugbears of American nativist populism for almost as long as there has been an America.
差不多自美國誕生以來，這些一直是美國本土民粹主義的妖怪。
One of the great paradoxes of American nationality is that it has been built simultaneously around both the embrace and the rejection of immigrant identity.
美國人身份認同的一大矛盾是，它同時圍繞接受和反對移民身份而建立。
To a degree inconceivable anywhere else, American patriotism was indifferent to origins (though not, of course, to race).
在某種程度上對其他地方不可思議的是，美國的愛國主義不在乎原籍（儘管不能說不在乎種族）。
But the very success of the immigrant republic also generated spasms of violent nativism.
但是這個移民共和國的成功本身也催生了一波波的暴力本土主義。
In the 1850s, the targets were Irish and Italian Catholics; in the 1880s, the Chinese; in the 1900s, Jews from eastern Europe.
19世紀50年代，本土主義的目標是愛爾蘭和意大利天主教徒；19世紀80年代，目標是華人；到了20世紀頭十年，目標又成了來自東歐的猶太人。
Mr Trump’s populism is just the latest edition of this sweaty agitation.
特朗普的民粹主義只是這種亢奮鼓動的最新版本。
Unlike the tin ear of the Clinton campaign, he has had perfect pitch, channelling the rage of the left behind and the nostalgic yearning to get back an unsullied homeland as imaginary as the village-green idyll of the British Brexiters.
和不接地氣的希拉里競選團隊不同，他祭出了完美的競選說辭，引導被遺忘之人的憤怒，以及選民對於恢復純淨國土的懷舊渴望，儘管這樣的願景就像英國退歐派吹噓的充滿詩情畫意的綠色田園景象一樣，純屬臆想。
Such feverish dreams of purification and restoration are the contagion of our times.
此類對純淨化和恢復的狂熱夢想成了我們時代的瘟疫。
Two unrelated phenomena — a socially unequal recovery from recession and the wash of desperate migrations across the world — have been connected, the latter made to explain the former.
兩個毫不相關的現象——從衰退復甦過程中的社會不平等、以及絕望的移民涌向世界各地——被聯繫在一起，後者被用來解釋前者。
The blame for the contraction of low-skill jobs is laid at the door of wily foreigners and low-wage labour.
低技能工作崗位減少的罪魁禍首，成了狡猾的外國人和低收入勞工。
The fuse of resentment, lit by the demagogue, blooms into poisonous flame.
煽動者點燃的憤怒的導火索，演變成了有毒的火焰。
The manner of Mr Trump’s victory will persuade other nativists and crypto-fascists that success in their own elections next year will best be served by ramping up the paranoia.
特朗普勝利的方式將說服其他本土主義者和隱藏的法西斯主義者相信，要在明年的選舉中獲勝，他們最好升高偏執言論的分貝。
Internationalism and cosmopolitanism will be represented as the realm of the devilish establishment.
國際主義和世界主義將被描述成邪惡體制的一部分。
The walls of protection and the watchtowers of the security state will rise over the citadel nation.
保護的高牆和警察國家的城樓將在城堡之國建起。
Freedom will be sacrificed to safety.
自由將淪爲安全的犧牲品。
All this will assuredly come to pass, unless heterogeneous city culture — with all its disorderly creativity, its flowing tides of newcomers and outgoers — finds unapologetic champions.
這一切必定會成爲現實——除非多姿多彩的城市文化（伴隨所有無序的創造力、源源不斷的新移民和離開者）找到堅定的倡導者。
It was the fatal error of the Clinton campaign to suppose that an arid menu of policy proposals was the same thing as a full-throated defence of modernity.
希拉里陣營的致命錯誤是以爲一份乾巴巴的政策提議等同於爲現代社會有力辯護。
Whatever rises from the rubble of liberalism’s debacle must never repeat that mistake.
無論從自由主義慘敗的廢墟中誕生出什麼，都必須確保永遠不重複這一錯誤。
The decencies of modern life need to be argued with militant passion and broadcast to places where it can be heard by people who don’t read broadsheets.
現代生活的體面需要用激昂的熱情來捍衛，並且傳播到不讀大報的人也能聽到的角落。
What neither America nor the rest of world can afford right now is to keep calm and carry on.
眼下，無論美國還是世界其他地方都承擔不起的就是保持冷靜和繼續前進。
