新聞人物 弗朗索瓦菲永

François Fillon, the surprise frontrunner in the race for France’s centre-right presidential nomination, first attracted international attention — and caused domestic consternation — with a fit of French bashing.

令人意外地贏得了法國中右翼陣營總統候選人提名的弗朗索瓦.菲永(François Fillon)，首次吸引國際社會的關注——並震驚國內——是因爲對法國的批評。

On a trip to Corsica, shortly after his appointment as Nicolas Sarkozy’s prime minister in 2007, he was lending an ear to the grievances of local farmers seeking subsidies when he interjected: I am at the helm of a state that’s in a position of bankruptcy, financially.

菲永在2007年被任命爲尼古拉.薩科齊(Nicolas Sarkozy)的總理之後不久視察了科西嘉島，他在傾聽當地農民希望政府提供補貼的抱怨時稱：

I am at the helm of a state that for 15 years has been in chronic deficit.

我管理着一個15年來赤字不斷的國家，

I am at the helm of a state that has not once passed a balanced budget in 25 years.

我管理着一個財政上處於破產境地的國家，我管理着一個25年來預算從未平衡過的國家。

This can’t go on.

這種狀況不能繼續下去了。

This was an unlikely outburst from a man whose demeanour suggests what the French think of as British phlegm — perhaps inspired by his Welsh wife Penelope — rather than Latin volubility.

這不太可能是菲永的一時衝動之語，他的言行舉止表明他身上有種法國人眼中英國人的矜持寡言——或許是受到其威爾士妻子佩內洛普(Penelope)的影響——而不是擁有雄辯的口才。

The comments triggered a furore in Mr Fillon’s camp and were met a few weeks later by a public presidential put-down.

這些言論在菲永陣營引發軒然大波，幾個星期後總統公開出面安撫。

This was only the start of a tough, and at times humiliating, five-year term for Mr Fillon, during which time he earned the epithet Mr Nobody.

這只是菲永艱難、有時顏面盡失的5年任期的開始——他在任期間得到了無名先生的綽號。

Yet Mr Fillon, an alpinist and amateur racing driver who is a fan of the 24-hour sports car race in his home town of Le Mans, did not quit — and still stands by his words.

然而菲永並沒有退出政壇，而且仍然堅持自己的言論。菲永喜歡登山運動，他還是一名業餘賽車手，是其家鄉勒芒24小時賽車比賽的擁躉。

The 62-year-old political insider, who has held several ministerial jobs during a four-decade career, says the Corsican episode crystallised his growing concern over France’s economic decline.

這位現年62歲的政治老手錶示，科西嘉風波突顯出他對法國經濟低迷的日益擔憂。菲永在40年的政治生涯中擔任過多個部長職位。

Even though speaking of ‘bankruptcy’ was not conventional, what I expressed was, for me, a matter of common sense, he writes in his book, Faire.

他在自己所著的《行動》(Faire)一書中寫道：儘管談論‘破產’不同尋常，但對我來說，我表達的是常識。

This straight-talking style has resonated with a French electorate that is shifting to the right and helped him surge to a comfortable lead in the first round of the centre-right primary.

這種直言不諱的風格與轉向右翼的法國選民形成共鳴，並幫助菲永在中右翼陣營初選第一輪中輕鬆領先。

The main casualty of Mr Fillon’s swelling support was Mr Sarkozy, who was knocked out of the contest, and with it frontline politics.

菲永支持率大增的主要受害者是如今已被淘汰出局的薩科奇，後者也隨之被踢出政治最前沿。

Voters also dealt a severe blow to the erstwhile favourite Alain Juppé, another former prime minister, who finished second with 28 per cent of the votes.

曾受到選民鍾愛的候選人——另一位前總理阿蘭.朱佩(Alain Juppé)也遭受沉重打擊，他在第一輪中以28%的選票居於第二。

In an echo of the anti-establishment wave that took Donald Trump to the White House, the provincial bourgeoisie in France has sought to send a message to the Parisian liberal elite that supported gay marriage legislation in 2013.

與促使唐納德.特朗普(Donald Trump)入主白宮的反建制浪潮相呼應，法國的地方中產階級尋求向2013年支持同性戀婚姻立法的巴黎自由派精英傳遞信號。

It has mobilised on behalf of a Gaullist and practising Catholic father of five who, they think, will best defend conservative values, contain immigration and restore France’s standing abroad.

他們團結在菲永周圍行動起來，他們相信，信奉戴高樂主義、育有5個子女的虔誠天主教教徒菲永將最好地捍衛傳統價值觀，控制移民並恢復法國在海外的地位。

Fillon is at the centre of gravity of the traditional right, Pascal Perrineau, a professor at Sciences Po, says.

巴黎政治學院(Sciences-Po)教授帕斯卡爾.佩裏諾(Pascal Perrineau)表示：菲永是傳統右翼的核心人物。

They are normally a quiet bunch, but they have woken up with the gay marriage law.

他們通常是一羣安靜的傢伙，同性戀婚姻法的頒佈促使他們警醒。

If these voters confirm their support in a second round of voting on Sunday, France will come closer to having its own Margaret Thatcher moment.

這些選民在週日的第二輪投票中證實了他們的支持，法國離擁有自己的瑪格麗特.撒切爾(Margaret Thatcher)時刻更近了一步。

Like the former British premier, Mr Fillon is far from being an EU enthusiast and favours economic shock therapy, vowing to cut 500,000 civil service jobs and reduce the welfare state to fund EURO50bn in tax breaks for companies.

與撒切爾夫人一樣，菲永對歐盟不感興趣，並且青睞經濟休克療法，承諾削減50萬個公務員職位，並降低福利以便爲企業減稅500億歐元提供資金。

A free-market revolution would be a novelty in France, a nation built on the idea of a strong state and which is prone to periodic labour unrest.

在以強勢政府思想爲基礎和時不時爆發勞工騷亂的法國，自由市場變革不同尋常。

But a significant portion of the rightwing electorate now believes that previous attempts to save the eurozone’s second-largest economy from decline have failed.

但一大部分右翼選民現在相信，之前讓這個歐元區第二大經濟體免於衰落的努力失敗了。

I thought for a long time that the country was difficult to reform, Mr Fillon told the Financial Times in Paris earlier this month.

菲永本月早些時候在巴黎向英國《金融時報》表示：我長期以來一直認爲，法國很難變革。

But if you show strong determination to the unions, if you use the presidential election to debate those measures and if you implement them quickly after being elected, it’s feasible.

但如果你向工會展現出強烈的決心，如果你利用總統大選來辯論那些措施，並且在當選後迅速實施它們，那麼變革是可行的。

Polls suggest that, as the centre-right’s candidate, he would be well placed to qualify for the presidential runoff next year given the unpopularity of President François Hollande.

民調顯示，鑑於法國現任總統弗朗索瓦.奧朗德(François Hollande)的人氣極低，作爲中右翼候選人的菲永很有可能獲得參加明年大選第二輪的資格。

He would in all likelihood face Marine Le Pen, leader of the far-right National Front, and would probably beat her.

屆時菲永很有可能與極右翼的國民陣線(National Front)領導人馬琳.勒龐(Marine Le Pen)展開角逐，他有望擊敗勒龐。