四巨頭與影響深遠的歐洲革命往事
On November 9 1989, a 35-year-old physicist in East Berlin saw the startling news on TV that the border with West Germany was opening.
1989年11月9日，東柏林一位35歲的物理學家在電視上看到一條令人震驚的新聞——東德和西德的邊界開放了。
But she didn’t rush to the Berlin Wall.
但她並沒有匆忙趕往柏林牆。
Instead — in the definitive display of her trademark patience — Angela Merkel went to the sauna, as she did every Thursday evening.
相反，安格拉.默克爾(Angela Merkel)按照每個週四晚上的習慣去了桑拿房——充分顯示出其標誌性的耐心。
Only afterwards did she walk to her local border crossing and into West Berlin.
在洗完桑拿後，她才步行前往當地的過境通道，進入了西柏林。
She drank beer in a stranger’s home in the west but made sure to get back to bed on time, because she had work the next morning.
她在西柏林一個陌生人家中喝了啤酒，但還是確保準時回家上牀就寢，因爲第二天她還要上班。
One month after the Wall fell, exultant East German protesters surrounded the KGB’s mansion in Dresden.
柏林牆倒塌一個月以後，狂喜的東德抗議者包圍了克格勃(KGB)在德累斯頓(Dresden)的大樓。
A 37-year-old KGB lieutenant-colonel named Vladimir Putin phoned the local Soviet military to ask for reinforcements but was told that nothing could be done because, Moscow is silent.
37歲的克格勃中校弗拉基米爾.普京(Vladimir Putin)打電話給當地的蘇聯駐軍請求增援，但被告知軍方無能爲力，因爲莫斯科沉默了。
Putin would never forget that moment.
普京永遠不會忘記那一刻。
Meanwhile in Budapest, the 26-year-old lawyer Viktor Orban shot to fame after a speech demanding that Soviet troops leave Hungary.
同時，在布達佩斯，26歲的律師歐爾班.維克托(Viktor Orban)發表了要求蘇軍撤出匈牙利的演講，從此聲名鵲起。
Over in Poland, the velvet transition from communism left the Solidarity official Jaroslaw Kaczynski so disappointed that he began his long battle to complete the revolution.
在波蘭，擺脫共產黨統治的天鵝絨革命讓團結工會(Solidarity)官員雅羅斯瓦夫.卡欽斯基(Jaroslaw Kaczynski)如此失望，以至於他開始自己的長期鬥爭，目標是完成未竟的革命事業。
Today, these four people lead their countries.
今天，這四個人是他們各自國家的領袖。
Merkel, Putin and Orbán have done so for a combined 37 years, while Kaczynski is Poland’s unelected power behind the throne.
默克爾、普京和歐爾班領導他們國家的時間加起來達到37年，而卡欽斯基是波蘭未經選舉但手握大權的幕後人物。
All four were shaped by the 1989 revolutions.
塑造這4個人的正是1989年發生的革命。
Putin had witnessed the first successful nationalist uprising against Soviet rule.
普京目擊了第一次成功的反抗蘇聯統治的民族主義起義。
Deserted by Moscow, he had gone out into the Dresden street alone
在被莫斯科拋棄的情況下，他獨自走出德累斯頓克格勃大樓的大門。
— in spirit, bare-chested, adds Timothy Garton Ash, author of the book We The People, on the 1989 revolutions —
有關1989年革命的著作《我們人民》(We The People)的作者蒂莫西.加頓-阿什(Timothy Garton Ash)補充說，這時候的普京情緒激昂，裸露着胸膛。
and told the protesters, in German, that anyone entering the mansion would be shot.
他用德語告訴抗議者，任何人如果膽敢進入克格勃大樓都會被射殺。
The crowd duly backed off.
結果人羣知趣地退去。
But the East German agents Putin worked with had their lives ruined, the country he liked so much vanished,
但與普京共事的東德特工的生活被毀了，他情有獨鍾的國家消失了。
and the Putin family ended up driving back to Leningrad with little more than a 20-year-old German washing machine.
最後，普京一家駕車回到列寧格勒，車上最貴重的財物只是一臺用了20年的德國洗衣機。
The lesson he drew from the 1989 revolution was: never again.
他從1989年的革命汲取的教訓是：絕不能讓這一幕重演。
Putin concluded that if Moscow hadn’t been silent and weak, it could have crushed the mob.
普京得出了一個結論：如果當時莫斯科沒有保持沉默，表現出軟弱，就能夠制伏那些暴民。
Garton Ash told me: Everything Putin has been is about trying to ensure the revolution does not happen in Moscow.
加頓-阿什告訴我：自那以來普京一切的一切都是爲了確保莫斯科不會爆發革命。
He is the counter-revolution.
他是革命的剋星。
In 1989, Merkel lived in East Berlin’s Prenzlauer Berg neighbourhood.
1989年，默克爾住在東柏林的普倫茨勞貝格區(Prenzlauer Berg)。
Today, the Prenzlberg is totally gentrified, but when I moved there in 1990 some of the rundown apartment buildings still had bullet holes from the second world war, telephones were rare and the air reeked of black coal.
今天，這裏已經完全被改造爲高檔地段，但在1990年我遷居到這裏的時候，我依然能在一些破舊的公寓樓看到二戰時期留下的子彈孔，電話非常少見，空氣中瀰漫着煤炭的味道。
Prenzlauer Berg had attracted East Germany’s bohemians, and, in 1989, most of them dreamt of a new, better system than West German democracy.
當年普倫茨勞貝格吸引了東德一些放蕩不羈的人，在1989年，其中大多數人夢想着一種比西德民主更好的新型體制。
Merkel didn’t, says Garton Ash.
加頓-阿什說，默克爾並不這麼想。
She simply wanted to do West German centrist politics, but better.
她只想投入西德的中間派政治，但希望自己做得更好。
The veterans of 1989 who went on to capture power were the realists.
經歷了1989年革命、後來掌握了權力的老將都是現實主義者。
For Merkel, the end of East Germany was unambiguously positive.
對默克爾來說，東德的終結無疑是件好事。
She emerged from the sauna and was free.
那天晚上從桑拿房出來後，她就已經是一個自由人。
No longer would she have to run communist agitation and propaganda at her workplace, East Berlin’s Institute for Physical Chemistry.
她再也不用在工作單位——東柏林物理化學研究所——進行共產主義宣傳和動員。
She also appreciated the DM100 in welcome money that West Germany handed out to East Germans.
西德發放給每個東德人的100德國馬克的歡迎費也讓她感激。
Later, she instinctively wanted to pass on this experience of welcome to future freedom-seekers.
後來，她本能地想把這種受到歡迎的體驗傳遞給未來那些尋求自由的人。
Last year’s opening of German borders to one million refugees has a very strong ’89 connection, says Garton Ash.
加頓-阿什表示，去年默克爾決定向100萬難民開放德國邊境與89年有非常強的聯繫。
Today, as Merkel sits in the chancellery, 5km from her old flat, she remains marked in another way by 1989.
今天，默克爾身處離她的舊公寓5公里遠的總理官邸，1989年還以另一種方式給她留下了印記。
She feels that just as East Germany collapsed in a night, so could the European Union and all that goes with it.
她認爲，就像東德可以在一夜間崩塌一樣，歐盟(EU)及其帶來的一切也是如此。
Stopping that from happening is her unspectacular political mission.
阻止這一事態的發生是她的不引人注目的政治使命。
Poland had no single revolutionary night in 1989.
波蘭在1989年並未經歷標誌性的革命之夜。
Rather, Solidarity and the ruling communists negotiated a transition.
相反，團結工會和執政的共產黨談判達成了過渡事宜。
It had to be that way, as there were still Soviet troops in Poland then, but Kaczynski, the editor of Solidarity’s weekly magazine, was left frustrated.
當時只能如此，因爲波蘭境內仍駐紮着蘇聯軍隊，但團結工會的週刊編輯卡欽斯基對此很失望。
His father, a veteran of Warsaw’s 1944 uprising against the Nazis, had raised his twin sons on tales of heroic resistance to foreign rule.
他的父親曾參與1944年華沙反抗納粹起義，這名老兵用英勇抵抗外國統治的故事來教導雙胞胎兒子。
In 1989, the Kaczynski twins felt marginalised, left out by people in Warsaw, says Garton Ash.
加頓-阿什表示，卡欽斯基兩兄弟在1989年感到被排擠，被華沙人民拋在一邊。
Today, Kaczynski aims to finish 1989’s unfinished revolution.
如今，卡欽斯基的目標是完成1989年未竟的革命。
That means rooting out the communists, whom he sees in every ministry, company and media outlet, and freeing Poland from foreign oppression — which, to him, now means Merkel’s Germany, Putin’s Russia, the EU, gay marriage and refugees.
這意味着剷除共黨分子（在他眼裏，每個政府部門、每家公司和媒體都顯然存在這些人），並將波蘭從外國壓迫中解放出來；在他眼裏，外國壓迫現在意味着默克爾主政的德國、普京主政的俄羅斯、歐盟、同性戀婚姻和難民。
With hindsight, the 1989 revolutions were probably more nationalist than liberal.
事後來看，1989年的革命很可能在更大程度上是民族主義，而不是自由主義的。
Since 1989, Orbán has morphed from a liberal into an authoritarian but has always remained a nationalist.
自1989年以後，歐爾班從一個自由派人士演變成了威權者，但一直是一名民族主義者。
He seems to have figured out that in Hungary nationalist votes outnumber liberal ones.
他似乎已經想明白，在匈牙利，民族主義者的票數超過自由派人士。
He may also feel that as a hero of his country’s revolution, he has a right to rule — a sentiment once common among Africa’s liberators-turned-dictators.
他可能還覺得，身爲本國革命的一個英雄，他有權去統治——這種觀點在非洲的解放者轉獨裁者當中一度十分常見。
For central and eastern European leaders, 1989 was only yesterday.
對於中、東歐領導人來說，1989年就在昨天。
