安倍晉三緣何推動安保法案 Tokyo inches away from pacifism

In 1960 Nobusuke Kishi, then prime minister, rammed through legislation to strengthen Japan’s military alliance with the US. He did so despite strong objection from many voters, hundreds of thousands of whom poured on to the streets in protest. More than half a century later Shinzo Abe, Kishi’s grandson, is at it again.

1960年，時任日本首相岸信介(Nobusuke Kishi)強行推動立法，加強日本與美國的軍事同盟。儘管遭到許多選民的強烈反對，成千上萬的人涌上街頭抗議，他還是一意孤行。半個多世紀後，岸信介的外孫、現任日本首相安倍晉三(Shinzo Abe)讓這一幕再現了。

Last week, Mr Abe secured lower house approval for 11 bills that would make it marginally easier for Japanese troops to fight alongside their US allies. As things stand Japan’s armed forces — officially still called the Self Defence Forces because of restrictions imposed by the pacifist constitution — can defend Japan only if it is directly under attack.

上週，安倍促成衆議院通過11項法案，這些法案將使日本軍隊能夠更容易地與其美國盟友並肩作戰。在目前的情況下，日本的武裝力量——囿於和平憲法的規定，官方稱謂仍是自衛隊(Self Defence Forces)——只有在日本遭到直接攻擊的情況下才能自衛。

As in his grandfather’s day, there were noisy demonstrations outside parliament and commotion inside. The vote was passed after the opposition walked out of the chamber. Now the bills must be ratified by the upper house, a process likely to take two controversial months. Even if the upper house rejects them, the lower house — where Mr Abe’s ruling coalition enjoys a hefty majority — is almost certain to drive them through.

像其外祖父所遭遇的情形一樣，國會外是喧鬧的抗議示威場面，而內部也是一片混亂。在反對派走出國會大廳後，法案被表決通過。現在，這些法案還必須經過參議院批准，這一充滿爭議的過程可能需要兩個月時間。即使參議院駁回了這些法案，安倍執政聯盟佔多數議席的衆議院也幾乎肯定會推動它們通過。

Mr Abe has neither the votes nor the public backing to amend the constitution outright. Adopted under the American occupation in 1947, it can be changed only after a referendum. So Mr Abe has gone for second best by reinterpreting it instead. Under the new reading, disliked by constitutional experts, Japan will be allowed to engage in “collective self-defence”. That would enable it to come to the aid of allies — for which read the US — in the case of any conflict that could have an imminent impact on Japan’s security.

安倍既沒有選票也沒有公衆支持來直接修改憲法。1947年日本在美軍佔領下實行的《和平憲法》，只有在全民公決之後才能進行修改。因此，安倍退而求其次——對憲法進行重新解釋。根據新的解釋（被憲法專家所厭惡），日本將被允許參與“集體自衛”。這將使日本在面對任何可能立即危及本國安全的衝突時，能夠支援盟友（指美國）。

Mr Abe has done a lousy job at convincing the public that such changes are necessary. Yoichi Funabashi, chairman of the Rebuild Japan Initiative Foundation, says the administration is bogged down in detail and has failed to make an emotional case. It has been deliberately vague — one might say dishonest — in spelling out the conditions under which troops could offer logistical support to allies, or even fight alongside them. The public fears that Japan will be dragged into reckless US adventures, such as the invasion of Iraq.

安倍沒能做好說服公衆相信此類修訂有其必要性的工作。日本再建基金會(Rebuild Japan Initiative Foundation)主席船橋洋一(Yoichi Funabashi)說，安倍政府糾結於細枝末節，未能打出情感牌。在說明日本軍隊在哪些情況下可以爲盟友提供後勤支持，甚至與他們並肩作戰時，安倍政府故意含糊其辭（人們也許會說其不誠實）。公衆擔心日本將被拖入美國不計後果的軍事冒險中，就像入侵伊拉克行動。

Though it is never set out explicitly, the main motive for the security changes is China (though an unstable nuclear-armed North Korea is also stiffening resolve). Washington, for decades frustrated at what it regards as Japan’s freeriding on American military spending, has long pressed Tokyo to take more responsibility for its own defence.

雖然永遠不會被挑明，但安倍修改安保法案的主要動因是中國（儘管擁有核武器且不穩定的朝鮮也堅定了他的決心)。對日本幾十年來免費搭美國軍事開支便車心懷不滿的華盛頓，一直在敦促東京在本國防衛方面承擔更多的責任。

Like his grandfather, Mr Abe is not giving Washington what it wants out of love for the US. He wants to strengthen the alliance for reasons of national interest. His grandfather, too, was determined to renew the US-Japan security treaty because he thought Japan would be safer as a result.

像其外祖父一樣，安倍並非出於愛美國而滿足華盛頓的要求。他是爲了本國利益而希望強化美日同盟。他的外祖父決心更新美日安保條約，同樣是因爲他認爲這樣做可以讓日本更安全。

Conservatives such as Mr Abe — and his grandfather before him — harbour resentment towards Washington for imposing what they see as victor’s justice. Kishi, who was in the wartime cabinet, was once arrested by US occupying forces as a suspected Class-A war criminal. Despite such reservations, conservatives still regard the alliance with Washington as the bedrock of Japan’s security and prosperity.

包括安倍（及其外祖父）在內的日本保守派其實對華盛頓懷有怨氣，因爲後者對日本施加了他們所認爲的勝利者的正義。在戰時內閣擔任職務的岸信介，曾被美國佔領軍當作甲級戰犯嫌疑人逮捕。儘管持有保留意見，但保守派仍將美日同盟視爲日本安全與繁榮的基石。

Mr Abe, again in common with the grandfather he idolises, believes he is doing the right thing. Though his popularity has dropped sharply as a result of the national security bills, he will press ahead regardless. Kishi did so in the face of tremendous political adversity. Protests were so large that Tokyo was deemed unsafe for the planned visit of US President Dwight Eisenhower. A few months after the security treaty was acrimoniously ratified, Kishi resigned.

安倍相信自己正在做正確的事，他在這方面又一次與自己崇拜的外祖父有共同之處。雖然安保法案讓他的支持率急劇下降，但他將不顧一切地繼續推動這些法案。岸信介在面對巨大的政治逆境時就是這樣做的。當時抗議活動的規模如此之大，對於計劃到訪的美國總統德懷特縠森豪威爾(Dwight Eisenhower)來說，東京被認爲是不安全的。美日安保條約艱難獲批幾個月後，岸信介宣佈辭職。

Events today are not quite so dramatic. Opponents of the bill, though many, are less vociferous. The media, shamefully, has mostly been cowed into silence by an administration that faces little serious parliamentary opposition. Mr Abe has few challengers within his party and is likely to remain in office until 2017. That would make him one of the country’s longest-serving prime ministers in recent memory.

今天的形勢不會具有這樣的戲劇性。安保法案的反對者雖然很多，但他們的呼聲並不大。可恥的是，媒體被完全掌控議會的安倍政府嚇得幾乎陷入集體沉默。在黨內，安倍基本上沒有挑戰者，他很可能執政到2017年。這將使他成爲人們近代記憶中任職時間最長的首相之一。