何思文:西方媒體為何熱愛詆譭中國

Why are we so often disturbed by Western media reporting and analysis of China? Why does reading commentary of China's economy, foreign relations, politics, and society leave us feeling emotionally abused, injured, or even angry and resentful?

為什麼我們常常在西方媒體關於中國的報道和分析中感到困惑？為什麼關於中國的經濟、外交、政治和社會的評論總是讓我們感到被欺負、傷害，甚至是憤怒與仇恨？

I believe our reactions are a response to the pervasive, ugly, and malevolent, but largely unnoticed element of schadenfreude in this commentary. It is our natural revulsion to writing and thinking that is anti-humanistic, hostile, and harmful.

我認為我們的感覺是對文章中普遍存在的、潑髒水式和惡意的，但是卻很大程度上被忽視的幸災樂禍式的評論的一種自然而然的反應。這種我們寫作上和思考上天然的反對立場，是反人類的、敵視的，而且是有害的。

Schadenfreude is a German-origin term defined by the Oxford Advanced Learner's Dictionary as "a feeling of pleasure at the bad things that happen to other people." Schadenfreude is rarely expressed plainly, or in relation to a specific event or situation. Rather, it is an attitude and bias that disparages achievements, discredits sincerity, and hopes for failure.

“Schadenfreude”是一個源於德語的詞彙，根據《牛津高階英語詞典》，它的意思是“對他人遇上壞事感到的一種愉悅”。“Schadenfreude”這個詞很少被清楚地表達出來，或者聯絡到特定的事件或者場合上。相反，這是一種態度與偏見，它貶低對方成就、詆譭對方誠意，並且滿心希望對方失敗。

We see this vile sentiment often in Western media coverage of news events, in reporting on Chinese business, and particularly in analysis and commentary on policies, plans, and initiatives of the government and the Communist Party.

我們經常在西方媒體關於中國事物的報道中見到這種卑鄙的情緒，尤其是在對中國政府和中共的政策、計劃和舉措的分析和評論上。

It is not just reporting mainly "bad news," like tainted milk powder or cooking oil scandals, although this feature is common too, particularly in blogs and the popular press. Rather, it is reporting only of the facts that support a narrative of endemic amorality or immorality and government social irresponsibility, with a subliminal message that the Chinese people or system are immoral, corrupt, and will or should fail.

它不只是主要報告一下“壞新聞”，像是毒奶粉或者地溝油，儘管這種事情也的確常見，尤其是在部落格和大眾媒體上；相反的，它只報道那些地方性的不道德事件，或者關於政府不負責任的敘述，其潛臺詞就是中國人或者中國的體制就是不道德的、腐敗的，是即將或者應該失敗的。

The commentator most identified with schadenfreude in writing on China is Gordon G. Chang. Chang, author of The Coming Collapse of China, released in 2001, has turned apocalyptic predictions and ill-wishing into a best-selling “brand.”

在報道中國事物方面，這種幸災樂禍式評論的典型就是章家敦（Gordon G. Chang）。他是2001年出版的《中國即將崩潰》一書的作者；這本書已經變成世界末日式的預言，並有望成為暢銷書的品牌。

On cue, writing on after Alibaba's world-beating IPO in New York, Chang was quick to predict, and seemingly to hope, that the company's ambition to surpass Walmart as the world's largest retailer would be unrealized.

正巧，在阿里巴巴震驚世界的紐約IPO時間後，章家敦很快在福布斯網站上預測，貌似也是希望，該公司“超過沃爾瑪，成為全球最大的零售商”的壯志將無法實現。

Indeed, at every major juncture on economic and social China's development path, from WTO accession, to coping with the global financial crisis, to economic and financial system reform, to the current anti-corruption campaign, Chang has been predicting, and seemingly hoping for, massive failure and systematic collapse.

事實上，在中國發展道路上的每一個重大關頭，比如加入世界貿易組織（WTO）、應對國際金融危機、對經濟和金融系統的改革、當前的反腐運動等，章家敦每每預測，並且似乎希望（中國迎來）大規模的失敗和系統性崩潰。

Chang has been consistently wrong on matters large and small. Instead of failure and collapse China was achieved successes, advancing to a new, higher level of development and prosperity. Chang's errors reflect a fundamental incapacity, and psychological unwillingness, to understand China and its people, their feelings, aspirations, and loyalties.

（但是）章家敦在大大小小的事務上一貫錯誤。中國並沒有失敗或者崩潰，相反的，它反而取得了成功，走向了一個新的、更高的、更繁榮的發展水平。在理解中國與中國人民，以及他們的感情、願景與忠誠上，章家敦的錯誤反映了一種根本上的失能與心理上的不願意。

Chang's brand is emblematic of the negative bias toward China, tinged with schadenfreude,that is more common than uncommon in the Western press.

章家敦就是帶點幸災樂禍地看衰中國的媒體形象代言人，而這種現象在西方媒體中是更為常見的。

Today this bias informs reporting and commentary on China's top leadership's two towering visions and initiatives: realizing a "China Dream" and rooting out endemic corruption. Both visions, and the actions being pursued toward their realization, typically receive cynical, unsympathetic, skeptical, or derisive treatment in the Western media.

如今這種偏見性的報道和評論集中在了中國最高領導人的兩個巨集偉目標和計劃上：實現“中國夢”與剷除腐敗。這兩個願景與他們根據認識所採取的行動，毫無例外地受到了西方媒體戲謔、無情、懷疑或者嘲諷的對待。

The success of the anti–corruption campaign is of existential importance to China's future, which is to say to the safety, security, and prosperity of the Chinese people. So is the vision of the "China Dream." Yet in publications like The New York Times, The Washington Post, Bloomberg, and The Wall Street Journal, the sincerity, or even the moral authority, of China's leaders in pursuing these visions is regularly impugned or denied. Some reporting has seemingly aimed to undermine the authority of leaders, so as to complicate or derail related initiatives.

反腐敗鬥爭的勝利對中國的未來具有現實的重要性，這對中國人的財產安全、生命安全和經濟繁榮具有重要意義。“中國夢”也一樣。但是在像是紐約時報、華盛頓郵報、彭博社與華爾街日報等出版物中，中國領導人追求這些願景的誠意，甚至道德威信，總是被不時不時地責難或者否定。一些報道似乎旨在破壞領袖權威，從而攪渾水或者破壞相關舉措。

The government of China has felt obliged to protect the people's vital interests by blocking publications like The New York Times that had acted as though its purpose was to sabotage those interests. This point was made by former Shanghai mayor, and now deputy head of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference, Xu Kuangdi, in answering a member of the America Chamber of Commerce after the speech by former president Jimmy Carter in Shanghai on September 9.

中國政府已經感到有必要遮蔽類似紐約時報這樣的出版物來保護人民切身利益，但是這看起來又像是為了損害這些出版物的利益。這一觀點在9月9日接待前美國總統吉米·卡特後對美國商會成員的演講中，被前任上海市長、現任中國人民政治協商會議副主席徐匡迪提出。

That the government of China should take measures is understandable. That China has blocked such internet search portals as Google (while affording open internet access to its citizens through portals like ) is also understandable and justifiable from the standpoint of the interests of the Chinese people.

因此中國政府採取的行動是可以理解的。中國遮蔽網際網路搜尋入口網站谷歌（同時開放入口網站比如搜狐等供公民接入網際網路）同樣是可以理解的，也是正當的——從中國人民的立場看來。

China's citizens nevertheless enjoy essential access to a range of domestic and foreign media that has not adopted an anti-China bias. Such unbalanced reporting is itself a expression of a biased, schadenfreude media mindset.

儘管如此（遮蔽了谷歌），中國公民依舊可以訪問大量未採用反中偏見的國內外媒體。這種不平衡的報道本身就是一種戴有色眼鏡的、幸災樂禍式心態的體現。

A pervasively biased Western media unfortunately plays into the hands of persons seeking to characterize China as posing a security "threat" to its neighbors or to the United States. Possessing an attitude of schadenfreude, the media not only dismiss, but would seek to impugn and deny China's leaders' sincerity when they express the Chinese people's vital need for and yearning for peace and harmony with their Asian neighbors and with the United States.

很不幸地，在西方媒體手中，一個普遍的偏見就是尋求將中國打扮成“威脅”鄰國或者美國安全的壞蛋。持有這種幸災樂禍的態度，媒體不僅會被駁回，而且會尋求抨擊和否定中國領導人誠意——當他們表達中國人民對與亞洲鄰國和美國的構建和平與和諧關係的迫切需要和嚮往的時候。

China's actions, often in reaction to provocations of other countries (notably with Japan over the Senkaku/Diaoyu islands, and with Vietnam and the Philippines in the South China Sea) are described as "aggressive"–therefore requiring counterforce–when in fact they are defensive. The reality of China's long-standing policy of patience, restraint, and dispute resolution through bi-lateral negotiations is never mentioned.

中國的行動，經常是對其他國家挑釁的一種反應（尤其是與日本關於尖閣/釣魚島及其附屬島嶼、與越南和菲律賓關於南海諸島的衝突），但是它們被描述為“侵略性的”——因此需要被平衡的——而事實上他們是被動防禦性的。中國在長期採用的忍耐與剋制政策，以及通過雙邊談判解決爭端的事實，卻從未被提及。

What to do about foreign media schadenfreude toward China? It is too serious, malevolent, and potentially harmful a problem to ignore.

對於外國媒體總是對中國採用幸災樂禍式的態度該怎麼處理？這是一個相當嚴肅的問題，因為當前的媒體環境充滿惡意，故意忽視具有潛在危害的問題。

The most important counter-measure is to shine a light on this vile attitude, to sharpen readers' and listeners' perception of its presence. The second is to call out and condemn instances (and their authors) that are clearly malevolent in intent or effect.

最重要的應對措施就是曝光這些卑鄙的行為，提高在讀者與聽眾中的存在感。第二就是調查並譴責在意圖和效果上帶有明顯惡意的報道（以及他們的作者）。

The third is to join with and to support, through loyalty and goodwill, the efforts of persons in China and the United States, within and without government, working to further peace, harmony, mutual respect between our countries, and better lives for both our citizens.

第三就是通過忠誠和善意，加入與支援中美兩國為致力於持久和平與和諧、互相尊重與奔向更好明天的政府與民間交流而努力。

Stephen M. Harner is a former Foreign Service Officer (U.S. Department of State), international banker, and consultant in Japan and China. He is a graduate of the Johns Hopkins University School of Advanced International Studies (SAIS).

Stephen M. Harner 是美國國務院前外交事務主任，國際銀行家，中日問題顧問。他畢業於約翰·霍普金斯大學高階國際關係研究學院（SAIS）。